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No support for terrorism or separatism – Pickering

US Under Secretary of State Thomas R. Pickering’s on-the-record press discussion with Sri Lankan journalists on 29 May 2000 in Colombo

Ambassador Thomas R. Pickering, U.S. Under Secretary of State: I want to thank you all for coming here this evening. I am delighted to be in Sri Lanka and only regret that my visit isn’t much longer.

I had good discussions with President Kumaratunga, government officials including ministers, the leader of the opposition, and the Foreign Minister on a wide range of bilateral and regional topics. I am happy to report our bilateral relationship is positive. The U.S. urged the government and the opposition to continue their bipartisan efforts to find a political solution to the ethnic conflict.

In Washington, we are concerned about the stories we have heard about the fighting that is going on in Jaffna and its effect on civilians. We are concerned about the real potential for humanitarian crisis there. Obviously, we discussed the situation with the government and their plans for dealing with it.

The U.S. has long supported the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka.

As I have said in both India and Pakistan, the U.S. does not envision or support the establishment of another independent state on this island, nor do we believe other members of the international community would support it.We continue to urge all parties to the conflict to negotiate a peaceful resolution of this country’s ethnic conflict.

To that end, we also support the recent efforts by the Norwegian government to facilitate negotiations between the government and the LTTE.

Even in this time of difficulty on the battlefield, we urged the government to remember what it is that is important in a democracy like Sri Lanka: bipartisan cooperation and creating an inclusive society through respect for human rights, free and fair elections, and a free press.

While recognizing the special military situation and also the strides Sri Lanka has made in protecting human rights in recent years, we emphasized the importance of avoiding restrictions on civil liberties that could undermine Sri Lanka’s democratic institutions. Sri Lanka has a long and positive tradition of press freedom, and we hope that particular institution’s independence continues to be unfettered in accordance with that tradition.

Now, I welcome your questions.

Q: (Mr. Gamini Weerakoon, Ed., Daily Island)

....what is there positive that you can do, because security demands an immediate support to Sri Lanka’s military effort. What will you be able to do ?

U/S Pickering: First and foremost, because the idea of dispelling a doubt in public about this particular issue — and I did it two days ago or three days ago in New Delhi with the Indian Foreign Secretary, we did it side by side —is, I hope, a serious and clear message to the people who advocate splitting the island, creating another independent state on the island. Secondly, we believe it is extremely important to do all that we can to support a negotiating process, one that doesn’t exist now, to help to try to create it. In this particular instance, the Norwegian government has been working very quietly and diplomatically for a long period of time. And so my government, and I believe the Indian government as well, believes that it is important that we signal publicly our support for that process as a way of giving it backing.

Finally, I said tonight something I haven’t said before but which I fully believe in: that I don’t believe there is any international support that I can find for a new separate state of Eelam here in this island. So I think that while it is easy to dismiss diplomatic statements by governments as not having an effect, we are beginning to see, in fact, that it does have an effect.

One thing, you might remember that two years ago, as part of American national legislation which requires that we review foreign non-governmental organizations that have committed terrorist acts and, if a certain threshold of action has been met on the part of those organizations, that we make a public legal declaration of a finding of that particular organization as a foreign terrorist organization. The LTTE has been found to be such an organization. That means they are under restrictions in the United States, restrictions with respect to raising money, for example. So those actions have a role and a place.

The question, obviously, is primarily one for the government of Sri Lanka, and it is the government of Sri Lanka that has to deal with the military effects of the insurgency. And the government of Sri Lanka, I understand, has access to the world arms market, so it is in a position itself to acquire what it believes it needs in order to carry forward with its efforts to deal with the military part of the equation.

But we don’t believe, and I have said this on a number of occasions, that there is a military solution on either side to the question. We frankly believe that the best thing that could happen would be to see this process ended through a process of direct negotiation between the parties concerned as rapidly as possible. And while I have been here, I have had many discussions with many individuals about the need for the government to offer a broad opportunity for autonomy to the Tamils in the North and East of the island as a way to deal with what are clearly historic ethnic problems and differences and to recognize the root cause and the deep damage over the years that has been done to that segment of the population. But as well, to take into account that any solution to that problem, the interests, the problems, and indeed the aspirations of both sides have to be taken into account as much as possible.

Q: (Mr. Dilip Ganguly, Associated Press Colombo Bureau Chief): In what way the U.S. can contribute in forcing both the parties, the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Government, to come to the table and talk? It’s good to say that they should talk, everyone is saying they should talk, Sri Lanka says they’re willing to talk. Which way are you going to contribute in making the LTTE come to talk?

U/S Pickering: I have just run over a whole series of steps that we are able to take. Now you said, "to force the government and the LTTE to come to the table" or to force them to initiate negotiations. You have a government and an armed organization, one that we consider terrorist. Those particular organizations are not easily susceptible, if I could put it this way, to the use of force. My government doesn’t invade countries to force people to go to conference tables.

Q - I will change the wording. I will say "initiate" the Government and the LTTE to talk.

U/S Pickering: No, but I mean — one of the reasons I have taken advantage of a long-planned trip to come here is to take advantage of the opportunity both to talk to the government and to provide our assessments and analysis of the situation and to share theirs. I have heard today on many occasions that the government wants to go to the table, is anxious to go to the table. It feels it’s important to go to the table. So on the government side — with whom we have relations, close and friendly relations — I believe that that’s an established fact. The United States does not have relations with the LTTE. The United States, because of the actions it has taken, is obviously, I think, not in contact with the LTTE, but I can send messages to them through your good offices, in effect, by telling them exactly what we think: that they should enter into negotiations as rapidly as possible. So, that’s the best sort of anatomy I can give you of the situation and what we think we can do as a government. All efforts of diplomacy, persuasion plays an important and significant role, and sometimes we don’t realize we can be persuasive until we have a longer term look at what the results might be.

Q: (Ms. Suzy Price, BBC Correspondent): With the Tigers taking quite a large amount of land in Jaffna at the moment, what way could you persuade the Tigers it would be to their advantage to begin talks?

U/S Pickering: I think that one way is to make it clear that we and others who assess the situation do not see a military resolution to this conflict. And I think that the long and sad and very difficult and very damaging history of this conflict should, in its own way, speak to them about the non-feasibility of a military solution. I think, secondly, letting them know that the international community in our judgment as a whole does not support another independent state is, I hope, at least a message that will have some effect. We believe that they should give up assassination and terror. We believe that they should be part of a negotiating process that the government has offered. And I believe the government is anxious to obviously resolve in its own mind what it is prepared to do in its negotiating efforts to achieve the result by trying to describe what an effective autonomy might be.

Q: (Ms. Charu Latha Joshi, Far Eastern Economic Review): Did the issue of military aid come up at all? ( In talks with President Kumaratunga)

U/S Pickering: No, it did not come up.

Q: (Ms. Charu Latha Joshi, Far Eastern Economic Review): Not at all?

U/S Pickering: Now, I want to be specific and clear. When you speak of military aid, that usually means gifts of military equipment. What did come up was the government’s interest in military equipment purchases, which are normally done in the United States through manufacturing companies and a government licensing process. And that was discussed.

Q: (Ms. Minelle Fernandez, MTV News): You observed that it was important that the government should offer a broad form of autonomy to the Tamils in the North and East as a way of getting around the problem. Did this come under discussion with the government?

U/S Pickering: Yes, briefly, and they talked to us about their efforts to try to bring together both the government parties and the parties in opposition around a major effort in this direction.

We simply would encourage it, as I said in my statement today.

Q: (Ms. Suzy Price, BBC Correspondent): The government has also talked about the possibility of a "joint effort" between the United States, Norway, and India. Do you see yourselves in a supporting role with Norway as the chief mediator or what?

U/S Pickering: I think that’s fair to say that, given Norway’s background and experience in this, both we and India are prepared to defer to their leadership. Because in fact they seem to have done an effective job, and we have both offered our support and assistance in backing it. We are particularly conscious that India believes it has an important role to play in South Asia and wants to — and obviously are prepared to defer, too, to that role. But at the same time, we are deeply concerned by the situation, so there may be ways from time to time in cooperation with others that we can contribute. Rather than a joint effort, I would say a cooperative effort would be a better description of diplomatically what’s happened. And maybe others will join.

Q: (Mr. Amal Jayasinghe, AFP Bureau Chief): Now, if you’re trying to persuade the government and the Tigers to agree to talks, how much time do you think this process will take and —-

U/S Pickering: It’s already taken much too long.

I think it’s a fair question. The real question is that we haven’t been able to do it. The government with all of its efforts and we in all of our efforts haven’t been able to do it, and I think that the military situation has a lot to say. I think someone implied as much in the questions that they gave me, and I think that has to be watched very carefully.

Often, as military situations change, sometimes the opportunities for getting people to the table to talk change.

Q: (Ms. Vandana Chopra, VOA): Does the United States want India to go in for military intervention?

U/S Pickering: I think that’s a situation in which India has already made clear its position — that it doesn’t intend to.

And I think, as I said a moment ago, we defer to India as a country of regional consequence to make its own decisions on these issues.

Q: (Mr. Gamini Weerakoon, Ed, Daily Island): You stand against a separate state created here. But, what happens if it is created? What would your reaction be?

U/S Pickering: I think it is quite clear that it will receive no recognition from anyone. So, I mean, you could go home tonight and declare your house a separate state. The question of making it effective and functioning in dealing with the Sri Lankan authorities, should you intend to become a government beyond your house, would have its own problems. So, I would say, you know, people try this from time to time, but in effect, it is the international community that is the arbiter of who becomes states and who doesn’t become states through a process of recognition and establishment of relations. At the moment, I see this as sort of becoming a dead planet, if that’s what it wants to be.

Q: (Ms. Suzy Price, BBC Correspondent): How damaging do you think the censorship has been for Sri Lanka’s image abroad?

U/S Pickering: I don’t think it’s been good, and I certainly left that impression here. I got the impression people were interested in changing.

Q: (Rahul Sharma, Reuters): People were interested in changing?

Q: (Vandana Chopra, VOA): You mean, in your talks with the government?

U/S Pickering: In talks with government and people outside the government.

Q: (Vandana Chopra, VOA): No, but the government is the deciding culprit here, so do you think the clampdown is going to be less or there’s...."

U/S Pickering: I think you have to watch and wait and see what happens.

Q: (Mr. Keith Noyhar, Deputy Editor, Daily Mirror): To pick up on Ganguly’s question, shouldn’t there be, you know, the LTTE having waited so far, like, is it possible for them to give up their armed struggle? And don’t you think a certain amount of arm-twisting or gunboat diplomacy has to be exercised on your part as a global superpower as far as the LTTE is concerned?

U/S Pickering: If I could figure out how to make it happen, of course I would. But I think you know, short of armed U.S. military intervention, which is not on and everybody knows it’s not on, I don’t have an answer to your question, other than we will keep trying. And you’re right, there is a certain amount of additional arm-twisting. The problem is we’ve got no arms to twist right now. (Laughter)

Q: (Ms. Suzy Price, BBC Correspondent): What do you, does the United States feel about the fighting in Jaffna — if the Tigers took Jaffna, the idea of regional instability spreading through the provinces of South India, for example?

U/S Pickering: I think that that’s been raised. And I think it’s something that can’t be excluded, but I don’t think that it is an immediate and I would call it galloping result of what’s happening. But could happen in any region where you have instability, where you have ethnic links of some kinds between states or between parts of states. As you know, it has already had an influence, and therefore it is not wise to sit up here and say nothing like that can ever happen. We all know it can. I think the critical question is the one I just tried to address, that I think it is not an issue that I see as immediate and emerging, but I think it is certainly one that has serious potential and should not be lost sight of.

(USIS)


The philosophy of censorship
by Dr. J. G. Hattotuwe

To sense, censor and censure are as old as the "Hills of Rome". A high ranking Roman general held the post of "Censor" to oversee that the news delivered was ‘Pro Bono Publico’.

In Freudian psychology every individual harbours a censoring filter to moderate, modify or inhibit thought processes that may appear rather injurious to civilized behaviour thereby repressing or sublimating them to acceptable norms.

However, what occurred during the Roman times cannot be applied today.

At the time of the three "Punic Wars" between Rome and the Carthaginians, that lasted a hundred years - every skirmish had a direct impact on the lifestyle of the citizens of Rome, where every Roman had four slaves for menial service. Jubilations and tamashas; panic and revolts were imminent features. Therefore it was of paramount importance that news bulletins should promote a state of peace and calm in the populace.

In the Second World War - such slogans as "careless talk costs lives", "somewhere in France", "Tell the marines" were devices used to mislead the Nazi spy system.

In the light of today’s technological advances, those antiquated methods appear quite benign and purile. B.B.C., C.N.N. and Reuters news reports convey on-the-spot dramatic episodes live, through the satellite communication network.

Now let us pose the question in today’s context.

Why censor and censure?

According to the minority opinion, it is a device to keep the ‘lie’ from reaching the ‘good people’.

By whose hand?

By a vulnerable few - an ‘oligarchy’ - a design to keep the ‘truth’ from reaching the ‘bad people’. Paradoxically, whilst the Roman principle was ‘Pro Bono Publico’ - the Lankan principle appears to be ‘Pro Bono Politico’.

Now philosophically can such a ‘rule by ukase’ be allowed to be perpetrated and perpetuated.

Never, as in this Democratic Republic, the sacred tenets of ‘Freedom of Expression’ by word and deed are enshrined in the Constitution by franchisement and vote of the people, who vowed to uphold this as their birthright.

N.B. Any deviation or modification of those ‘Fundamental Rights’ would mean and leave no doubts, as the writings on the wall indicate, the end of the beginning of the establishment of a ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’.

Another further extension of this fundamental right in the context is "acting according to one’s conscience". In history conscientious objectors have paid the supreme sacrifice and thereby attained martyrdom.

Interestingly Duke of Norfolk was kept out of Parliament by Henry VIII for his refusal to change his faith in Catholicism until he received a reprieve from Elizabeth II. President Clinton suffered humiliation not so much for his peccadillos, but for deceiving the American people.

Every villager knows that the S.L. Army has lost four major battles in the recent past. Every school boy knows that his uncles and brothers lie trapped in Jaffna. Anxiety and depression prevails as to whether it could be another ‘Dunkirk’.

The dangers of censorship are many.

It leaves behind a state of frustrated anger and irritability.

It leaves behind a trail of apathy and dejection in the populace tearing down the very firm threads of the social fabric that binds the national character, thereby negating the treasured democratic sheet anchor "the value of the individual"

This state of affairs became quite evident for those who stepped out to see "Wesak". What was once a panoramic display of bright ‘vibgyor’ hues a phantasm of light and colour, shimmering lamps, burning and flickering in breeze was no more, dimmed at places, extinguished elsewhere or laid deserted like the barren mountains. Judge for yourself.

In conclusion, I will tell you the poet’s vision of the sanguinary trail:

The soldiers they gazed
They gazed and gazed.
Gazed at the stars above.
Thinking of home and hearth.
Their tender love, the beaming smiles were Forgotten visions, a phantasm; a mirage, a fancied flair.
Then the Ghosts of the valiants
rose from the pitiless sea,
rose from the foaming sea,
rose from the wind will sea
A tempest rose
rose to set them free
The Tempest gone, a calm has dawned Yet none doth care for the lost domain:
"This is my land
my native land
Land of birth and breeding
You owe me naught
Yet you gave me all.

To sate my greed and craving
Ignoble lies the hand that made
The sons of Lanka suffer in pain,
When mothers wail
The truth shall prevail
On the day of Reckoning.
Oh what a tangled web a liar weaves
When he first begins to deceive.


Science/Technology
Should we sell raw silica or add value to it?
The potential for silica-based industries in Sri Lanka

By Prof. O. A. Ileperuma
Department of Chemistry
University of Peradeniya

Silicon is the second most abundant element in the earth’s crust accounting for more than 28% of its weight. It occurs as the oxide in sand, quartz and flint and as silicates in rocks and clay. Silica occurs in the quartz form in Sri Lanka often with purities exceeding 99% at Galaha, Embilipitiya, Naula, Rattota and other locations. This ore is presently exported in the raw form without any value addition. Although there is an official ban on exporting raw quartz, exporters still continue sending this valuable resource under various ruses.

The chief uses of this resource are:

• Manufacture of semiconductor chips

• Fabricating solar cells

• Manufacture of fiber optics

• Manufacture of silicon containing chemicals, e.g. Sodium silicate, silicon rubber etc.

Silica is the basic raw material used in the manufacture of pure silicon, which is the basic raw material for semiconductor chips, transistors and solar cells. There will be a very high demand for solar panels in the future and the demand for them is predicted to increase at the rate of 10% each year owing to the serious energy problems in the future. Although Sri Lanka possesses high quality quartz, its conversion to silicon is a technologically complex and energy intensive process. The chemistry involves fusing quartz and coke at around 1500¡C in an electric arc furnace and this requires the uninterrupted supply about 200 MW of power which is approximately about 20% of the total national grid output. In fact this process is carried out only in a few countries like Norway where an ample supply of cheap hydroelectricity is readily available. It is quite unlikely that Sri Lanka will be able to achieve producing silicon in this manner owing to the high capital cost of the manufacturing process.

The impure product, which comes out of this process called polysilicon, is refined in many industrialized countries where it is further purified to produce pure silicon by first converting the silicon to its halide or hydrohalides and then reducing with hydrogen. The pure silicon obtained in this manner is then made "super pure" (about 99.9999% purity) by a zone refining process. Here the silicon is melted and the impurities are allowed to settle to the bottom of the silicon rod. The purified silicon is next chipped using a diamond saw into thin wafers and then subjected to doping with antimony or boron to produce n and p type silicon in clean room laboratories. All these are extremely complex processes requiring sophisticated equipment and a high financial input. Most people buy polysilicon from countries such as Norway and refine it to the stage of extremely pure silicon referred to as electronic grade silicon.

Fabrication of solar cells involves the use of electronic grade silicon and introducing dopants to produce the desired semiconductivity. There are a large number of countries, which do this, e.g. Taiwan and South Korean industry. Although the technology is complex it is not so expensive like the refinement process.

Although manufacturing silicon wafers in Sri Lanka is inconceivable given our energy situation, there are still several avenues to exploit our high grade quartz to bring economic prosperity to the country. Manufacturing classified silica powder to suit the requirements of client’s abroad could result in a net value addition of nearly 1000 folds. This is achieved by crushing, powdering and classifying quartz and exporting classified powder instead of raw rock form, which is currently exported. The machinery involved here is of the conventional type and the estimated cost for a medium sized plant is in the range of 1 million US dollars.

Use of quartz for the manufacture of glass, wall tiles and other related products is well developed in Sri Lanka. However, these processes do not require very high purity material and the discards after the high grade ore is extracted at the quarry sites are sufficient for the industries. Manufacture of other silica based products such as sodium silicates, silicones, aerogels, silica gel and fused silica is also possible. Already there is a small operation in Sri Lanka where water glass (sodium silicate) is produced by the reaction of sodium carbonate with quartz.

Hydrolysis of water glass yields silica gel, a compound with many industrial applications. It is used as an absorbent in chromatography and as a drying agent. Because of its very large surface area it is used as an inert support for many finely divided catalysts. Special types of silica such as nanometer sized particles made by burning of silicon tetrachloride on a flame are employed as thickening agent in paints and other industrial uses. Silicones are polymeric silicon compounds containing aryl or alkyl groups obtained by the reaction of chloroalkanes or chloroarenes with silicon at a high temperature in the presence of copper or a catalyst. These are useful in the fabrication of silicon rubber and as high temperature lubricants. At least some of these chemical processes making use of the high quality of quartz available in Sri Lanka could be undertaken.

India has made substantial progress in the development of silicon and silica based products. Quartz glass industry is one such example. When silica is melted and allowed to cool a substance called silica glass is obtained, which consists of randomly arranged silica chains, sheets and polyhedra of silicate groups. It is higher melting than ordinary glass with a low coefficient of expansion and resists attack by chemicals. This material is suitable for carrying out chemical reactions where glass containers cannot be used. Single crystal quartz is used to make lenses and prisms since it is transparent to both infrared and ultraviolet radiation. Its ability to control radio frequencies has been utilized in the construction of radar devices and its vibrational properties are used in fabricating timing devices in clocks and wristwatches.

Quartz is also employed as windows for spectrophotometers and also as windows of photochemical reactors. This technology is not too expensive and could be undertaken as a joint venture with an international company. India also possesses the capability of producing semi conductor grade silicon where silica sand is employed as the source of silicon.

Courtesy: Science 2000


Strengthening the institutional infrastructure for quality
By B. S. P. Mendis
Deputy Director General
Sri Lanka Standards Institution

Strengthening of the Institutional infrastructure for Quality through the establishment of a National Accreditation Board and Development of the national conformity assessment system is one of the main policy proposals included in the National Quality Policy. This is essential to assure the quality of goods and services both for domestic and export markets.

The increasing demand on quality of products and services offered both in external and internal trade necessitates strict compliance with technical regulations, standards, and other regulatory measures covering health safety and quality. Development of effective and efficient procedures for assessment of conformity to technical regulations and standards are essential to enhance national performance and support national economic activities. With respect to the quality of product and services, world trade is increasingly based on mutually recognized and well defined conformity assessment procedures.

The WTO/TBT/SPS agreements and bilateral agreements with trading nations or regional trading blocks, calls for national conformity assessment systems consistent with international standards and practices.

The increasing importance of conformity assessment procedures in international trade requires the development of national conformity assessment systems which are reliable, transparent and linked with worldwide systems on accreditation and certification. The purchaser has to rely on the information given by the seller supported by the national conformity assessment systems.

Conformity Assessment Systems
In recent developments on conformity assessment systems several new approaches have been adopted worldwide. The use of well defined national quality infrastructure makes it possible to provide efficient and effective services to support all sectors on an equal basis. The national quality infrastructure consist of all activities necessary to secure quality of products and services ultimately leading to better quality of life of the community. The quality infrastructure is manifested in a institutional infrastructure for quality consisting of the following institutions; a national accreditation body, a standards body, certification bodies, testing laboratories, inspection bodies, metrology system consisting of a national metrology institution and calibration laboratories and supported by quality assurance activities (see figure).

New approaches in conformity assessment adopted worldwide demands that certification, testing and inspections are carried out by impartial and competent bodies which could demonstrate their competence and excellence in performance. The methodology used for declaring competence is known as accreditation and is performed by a national accreditation body which functions in accordance with international standards and guidelines. The functions of an accreditation body is to assess the competence of the conformity assessment bodies performing within the national quality infrastructure and declare their competence.

National Accreditation Board
Recognizing the need for strengthening the institutional infrastructure for conformity assessment the Cabinet of Ministers of the Government of Sri Lanka has already approved the establishment of a National Accreditation Board. Legislation necessary for the establishment of the NAB has been drafted and is expected to be presented shortly to the Cabinet and the Parliament by the Minister of Science and Technology.

The main objectives of the National Accreditation Board are:

(a) to carry out accreditation of conformity assessment bodies in accordance with established international and national standards.

(b) To promote accreditation activities in conformity with the guidelines laid down in the national quality policy.

(c) To ensure competence in internationally accepted accreditation practices and to facilitate international co-operation in accreditation

(d) To encourage and promote the use of accreditation, training of assessors, conduct seminars and disseminate information

(e) To conclude agreements on mutual recognition on accreditation with other similar foreign and international bodies.

The Accreditation Board will be established as an autonomous body under the Ministry of Science and Technology. Initially the NAB will be managed by a few staff officers from the SLSI who will be released for the purpose. The identified staff has been already trained in Sweden under Swedish International Development Agency (Side) project for Quality Infrastructure Development in Sri Lanka.

The NAB will supervise and accredit the activities of testing and calibration laboratories, Product and Systems Certification bodies, training and certification bodies for personnel undertaking quality related activities, offered by both the private and public sector.

For International recognition of the conformity assessment programme it is necessary that the National Accreditation Board of Sri Lanka enters into mutual recognition agreement with National Accreditation Boards of other countries. ISO is now developing guidelines for entering into such agreements between National Accreditation Boards of different countries.

One of the first responsibilities of the Sri Lanka National Accreditation Board would be to develop mutual recognition agreements with the major trading partners (both for import and export trade) so that there would be a free flow of goods between Sri Lanka and her trading partners.

Supporting Quality Assurance Activities
Through the establishment of accreditation body, an effective mechanism is developed for all regulatory authorities to have the necessary controlling functions performed by other bodies both in the public and private sector, where such bodies have been assessed for competence and credibility by the NAB. When Government regulatory authorities promulgate laws and technical regulations, it is necessary to carry out conformity assessment to ensure effective implementation of such regulations.

The regulatory bodies could delegate specific types of conformity assessment activities to other bodies (public and private sector) which are accredited for performing such activities. This system could be made use of by regulatory bodies for implementation of regulations avoiding the need for the regulatory bodies to set up their own mechanisms for conformity assessment. Internationally such arrangements have been proved to be more effective and efficient than the regulatory bodies (public sector) setting up their own mechanisms for such purposes.

In conclusion, the establishment of the NAB and strengthening of the conformity assessment system would support the industry in facilitating internal and external trade and would be an effective mechanism for assuring quality of goods and services both for domestic market and for export.

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