UNP leader Mr.Ranil Wickremasinghe’s plea to
President Chandrika Kumaratunga to commence negotiations with
the LTTE raises many questions, unless there is a special
understanding between him and the LTTE which is not made public.
Mr Wickremasinghe says that the proposals made
by his UNF government to the LTTE in July 2003 have not been
rejected and in fact Velupillai Prabakran in his ‘Heroes Day ‘
speech in November that year had said : ‘though these proposals
were unsatisfactory we did not reject them’. Mr. Wickremasinghe
surmises: ‘Please note that the third set of proposals submitted
by the government (UNF) in July 2003 was not rejected by the
LTTE’.
These observations of the UNP leader need
clarification. The LTTE, it has to be noted, called off peace
negotiations with the government in April 2003, claiming that
‘nothing has been achieved’ . In November that year, after seven
months has passed, the LTTE put forward its proposals for an
Interim Self- Government Administration which had no references
to the previous six rounds of talks between the two sides nor
the July 2003 proposals of the UNF government. Then in November
27, Prabakaran says that he had not rejected the third set of
proposals of the UNF.
The questions to be raised are: Why did not the
LTTE accept or even comment on the UNF proposals from July to
November—- for more than three months. Why was no reference to
these proposals made at all-even-oblique references in the ISGA
proposals?
And even after ‘Heroes Day’ the LTTE maintained
that negotiations must be only on the ISGA proposals, rejecting
President Kumaratunga’s proposals to discuss ‘ core issues’?
Equally important is why Mr. Wickremasinghe, the
UNP and the Norwegian Peace facilitators not point out that the
LTTE had not rejected the UNF government proposals till Mr.
Wickremasinghe thought it fit to raise it with president
Kumaratunga this week?
The 2.4 billion dollar question is whether the
LTTE has gone back on its intransigent position of negotiations
only on the ISGA or no negotiations and are willing to negotiate
on the UNF proposals.
Another vital question is that even if the LTTE
is willing to negotiate on Mr. Wickremasinghe’s proposals will
President Kumaratunga be willing? The well known axiom in
contemporary Sri Lankan politics is: What Ranil proposes,
Chandrika disposes and vice- versa. President Kumaratunga too
had her own proposals, the Devolution Package which she
presented to parliament in 2001 and it resulted in the UNP
tearing the ‘Package’ up on the floor of the House and setting
it on fire. The LTTE has true to form being consistently
rejecting all such proposals from whatever quarters. Now will
the president agree to negotiate on the proposals of the UNP
leader?
Mr. Wickremasinghe now proposes that the
president should go ahead and negotiate with the LTTE within the
parameters of the Oslo and Tokyo Declarations. But the LTTE
makes no reference to these declarations , which are based on a
federal solution. The ISGA is a proposal to set up precursor to
a separate state based on racist fascism, not federalism. This
is very well argued in the book Abomination by lawyer,
S.L. Gunasekera that is now currently being serialised in The
Island.
Meanwhile, a report in The Hindustan Times
, reproduced in yesterday’s issue of The Island
raises related questions equally important. Mr. Milinda Moragoda,
former minister and now Mr. Wickremasinghe’s advisor on foreign
and economic affairs has said that India will have to be the
guarantor of the final settlement between the Sri Lanka
government and the LTTE. Whether India will want to perform this
role having kept aloof of Sri Lankan affairs after the IPKF
fiasco, is a matter of doubt. There are also further
complications because on the ISGA proposals, the LTTE wants to
have its own Navy sailing the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk Strait
which India will certainly not permit particuarly if India
proceeds with the Sethusamuduram Project, over which Tamil Nadu
politicians are now all Ga- Ga. On the other hand why should a
sovereign nation call upon a foreign power, despite it being our
neighbour and regional power, to underwrite an agreement, which
is purely an internal affair? Such a step will be tantamount to
internationalising the affair even more.