The government and the UNP are playing ping pong
on the question of their much sought after co-operation. They
are still at the stage of exchanging carefully drafted missives
full of nothing. One wonders when the leaders of the two sides
will finish firing letters and get down to brass tacks. Will it
be within days, weeks, or years? If the pace at which they are
proceeding is any indication, then it looks very likely that we
will have to wait till the cows come home.
President Mahinda Rajapakse and UNP Leader Ranil
Wickremesinghe are no strangers to each other and the Temple
Trees/the President’s House and the Cambridge Terrace have only
a little distance between them. (For some UNP parliamentarians
the Temple Trees is only a jump away!) If the two leaders are
genuinely desirous of addressing the issue, a powwow between
them is only a telephone call away. Remember Mahinda’s recent
dash to Britain to see Blair and Ranil’s globe trotting to see
and be seen with leaders of other countries. Why can’t they see
each other here in Colombo? Are we to gather that, as a local
saying goes, even the shadow of an unfeasible marriage is
crooked?
There is high octane performance on the part of
business leaders, religious dignitaries, professionals and
others to bring the two parties together. They seem to think
that if they could achieve that feat and thereby bring about a
southern consensus, hey presto, there will be peace! In
other words, they reckon the absence of co-operation between the
UNP and the SLFP as the roadblock on the path to peace. Nothing
is further from the truth! It is also one of the myths
obfuscating the real issue of what really impedes the resolution
of the conflict.
Consensus or no consensus, there have already
been some solutions, proposed as well actually implemented.
Under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, devolution of
power to the provinces has been achieved, in spite of all its
shortcomings. The SLFP and the JVP opposed it tooth and nail in
1987. After much blood letting, all parties in the South have
now accepted the Provincial Council system but it has come a
cropper, as the LTTE rejected it: it is not functioning in the
North and the East, where it is needed most. True, the
Concurrent List, tilted in favour of the government, has
rendered the system hollow, to a great extent but that is not
the reason why the LTTE rejected it. Its objections came even
before the implementation of the 13th Amendment despite having
initially endorsed it – under India’s pressure.
In 2000, President Chandrika Kumaratunga offered
Regional Councils, which went way beyond the 13th Amendment in
terms of the unit and the degree of devolution. Chandrika may be
faulted for anything but devolution, on which she has taken up a
principled stand. The UNP teamed up with the JVP – there are no
permanent enemies or permanent friends in politics, eh? –
and shot down the Regional Council bill in Parliament. Another
instance of lack of consensus! But, the LTTE had rejected it
even before it was officially unveiled; therefore what other
parties thought of it mattered very little.
Then came the international community on the
scene, led by the US, under the UNF government. A grand show was
made of the Oslo Declaration, which envisaged federalism, with
the LTTE agreeing. But, no sooner had the LTTE returned home
than it did make a U-turn, reneging as it did on the agreement.
The much flaunted Oslo Declaration is now as dead as a dodo in
all but name.
Peace making has been a process of successive
governments as well as the international community proposing and
the LTTE (or ‘Sun God’) disposing. Thus, it should be seen, it
is not so much the absence of a southern consensus that has
throttled the peace effort but the intransigence of the LTTE,
which has rejected India’s Provincial Councils Chandrika’s
Regional Councils and the international community’s federalism
Now the question is: What does the LTTE really
want? We need not labour the point – it is Eelam! That is what
Prabhakaran has been saying consistently right throughout. He,
it should be recalled, reiterated it for the whole world to hear
in 2003 at Kilinochchi, addressing the media: He renewed his
call to his cadres to kill him if he ever departed from Eelam!
Is a southern consensus going to wean him away
from his goal? The discerning aren’t optimistic. How can one
forget that all what the mighty international community, which
has bombed Afghanistan and Iraq into the Stone Age and made a
fugitive of bin Laden, has achieved by way of helping Sri Lanka
is to take the horse to water. The animal, true to form, is
refusing to drink and not even Blair or Bush or Singh can do
anything about it. It has even kicked the EU nationals out of
the Monitoring Mission with impunity!
Will those who are going hell for leather to
bring Mahinda and Ranil together be able to make the horse
drink? We doubt it. However, we really appreciate their sincere
effort and wish them good luck!