The Lankadeepa carried a sensational lead
story yesterday stating that the UNP had decided to shift away
from the federalist model as a solution to the ethnic conflict.
The federalist model had been a cornerstone of UNP policy up to
date, and was the platform on which they appealed to the
minority voters - many of whom showed a marked preference for
the UNP over the PA. The Lankadeepa report also went on to say,
that not stopping at abandoning the federalist position, the UNP
had also decided that the ceasefire that they entered onto with
the LTTE in 2002 had to be 'reviewed' in accordance with the new
realities. The UNP had even decided that the Oslo declaration,
where agreement had been reached on a federalist solution, had
to be abrogated.
Last week, none of this had been discussed at
the political affairs committee and it has not been ratified by
the working committee either. This was a surprise decision
arrived at by the UNP leadership. Even though none of this is
still official, this policy shift has the fullest backing of
almost the entire UNP. It would not be an exaggeration to say
that this may prove to be by far the most popular policy
decision that Ranil Wickremsinghe made after assuming the
leadership of the UNP 13 years ago. The minority parties will
not be happy, but then the view of important UNPers is that the
minority parties had adopted a policy of opportunistically
joining the government even though the government stood for
exactly the opposite of what they wanted. The UNP, after
languishing in the opposition for 13 long years seems to have
realized that even the minority parties side only with those who
can carry the vote of the majority community.
UNP Colombo district leader Ravi Karunanayake,
when asked whether this was an opportunistic shift in policy
said that it was not so because it was the UNP that told the All
Party Representatives Committee (APRC) that they should not
quibble over semantics and that what was needed was far reaching
devolution of power without labeling it as 'federalism' or
otherwise. Karunayake also characterized the UNP's shift in
policy as a case of 'repositioning' themselves to suit the
ground situation. Karunanyake said quite openly that "If
frankness brings us defeat time after time, then we have to
rethink our policies, otherwise we will never be able to come to
power" . The UNP's new position is that federalism should be
abandoned and that the provincial councils system should be
strengthened.
The UNP seems to have finally come down to what
was the commonsense solution anyway. Just last week, UNP
reformist minister Rajitha Senaratne came back to Sri Lanka from
an official visit to Japan, where he had had a one hour meeting
with Yasushi Akashi, the Japanese peace envoy. Minister
Senaratne had told Akashi, that in the past, the longest
Sinhala-Tamil war in Sri Lanka had been the 14 year war during
the time of King Parakramabahu, but that that the present war
had lasted 30 years. Moreover solutions to the problem had been
under discussion for more than 50 years. Therefore, this problem
could not be solved overnight. The approach that Senaratne had
suggested to Akashi is that, the provincial councils system
which was put in place under the 13th amendment to the
constitution should be implemented first. Minister Senaratne
pointed out that the JVP, which was opposed to federalism, was
also already within the provincial councils system, and they
could not block the implementation of the 13th amendment. Once
the system is made to function properly in the north and east as
well, Senaratne had said that vesting the provincial councils
with further powers could be discussed. Minister Senaratne had
argued that the piecemeal implementation of a solution would not
be resisted in the way that federalism is being resisted.
Senaratne had also stressed that Sri Lanka now
has a president who can carry the Sinhala vote with him and that
this was the best chance that Sri Lanka has had in a long time,
to find a solution to this problem. Before the UNP decided to
change their policy favouring a federalist solution, a piecemeal
approach to a solution had thus occurred to many people
independently. Akashi had seen Senaratne's point. But in the
context where the main opposition party in the country was
playing Don Quixote with the ethnic issue, the hands of our
foreign friends were tied. Political analysts say that the UNP's
shift in policy in many ways vindicates President Mahinda
Rajapakse's steadfast opposition to any federalist solution. The
place where UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe first gave signs of
a shift in UNP policy was at last week's commemoration of
J.R.Jayawardene on his 101st birth anniversary at the
Jayawardene Cultural Centre.
JRJ was a supremely practical politician. When
the UNP was in the doldrums after the defeat of 1956, one of the
ways in which he managed to revive the fortunes of the party was
by organizing a march to Kandy to oppose the Bandaranaike
Chelvanayagam pact in 1957. Wickremasinghe's policy shift
announced as it was, at JRJ's commemoration indicates that he
wants to do a JRJ to revive the fortunes of the UNP. But the
danger is that he may end up in doing a Sir John Kotelawala
instead. In 1956, Sir John Kotelawala who had been promising to
make both Sinhala and Tamil the official language of the
country, adopted the 'Sinhala only' cry at the last moment in a
vain attempt to prevent people from joining Bandaranaike's
bandwagon. This ended up in the UNP losing the confidence of
both the minorities and the Sinhalese - the latter were not
impressed by Kotelawala's last minute change of heart. Whether
this policy shift will help turn around the UNP's fortunes, or
whether it will result in the UNP falling in between two stools
as at the 1956 election, is still left to be seen.