UN Human Rights High Commissioner Louise
Arbour’s visit has triggered a mixed reaction. Some human rights
groups that advocate a UN monitoring mission here are
cock-a-hoop, while the anti-terror activists are deeply
perturbed as they believe she is here on a mission aimed at
giving oxygen to the Tigers licking their wounds in foxholes in
the Wanni.
Those who are campaigning for a UN monitoring
mission with a gung-ho zeal claim that the government has failed
in the task of protecting the civilians trapped in the conflict
zone. They point out several instances of serious human rights
violations that the government stands accused of.
But, of what use are monitoring missions, UN or
otherwise? The ceasefire monitoring mission has become a
pathetic failure. It originally consisted of monitors from
several powerful countries including the EU member states.
Still, it served little purpose. Today, it stands accused of its
partiality towards the LTTE and has obviously overstepped its
mandate as evident from the recent visit by a diplomat from
Iceland to the LTTE headquarters in Kilinochchi with the help of
truce monitors.
Is it possible that a UN monitoring mission will
be able to be different from the SLMM? UNICEF evinced a keen
interest in the rights of children in combat and went to the
extent of setting up transit homes in collaboration with the
LTTE to secure their release. The project flopped as the LTTE
reneged on its promise to let go of child soldiers. The UN did
precious little to coerce the LTTE into falling in line. The
Security Council skirted the proposed tough action against the
organisation including the LTTE on the UN List of Shame
for recruiting child soldiers. So, what purpose is a UN human
rights monitoring mission going to serve here? We don’t need a
group of commentators, do we? We already have truce monitors!
The anti-terror activists suspect that an
attempt is being made to internationalise the conflict further
through UN involvement in a big way and push Sri Lanka towards a
situation like that in Cyprus so that the LTTE will be able to
rule the areas under its jackboot indefinitely with the UN
recognition. Some UN bigwigs in Colombo, they point out, are
overtly supportive of the LTTE. Their fear is not unfounded as
some UN functionaries in Colombo misled former UN Secretary
General Kofi Annan to issue a condolence message when an LTTE
leader called Kaushalyan was killed in Trincomalee some time
ago. They also went all out to take Annan to the LTTE controlled
areas in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster allegedly in a
bid to help the outfit gain some legitimacy but in vain.
The international community has lost its
credibility in this country. The role it has been playing in the
‘conflict resolution process’ is similar to that of an
unscrupulous pettifogger in a divorce case, taking advantage of
the aggrieved woman’s plight. Some members of the international
community get jolted into action only when the LTTE fights its
way into a cul-de-sac. Then, they suddenly become
conscious of human rights! Had they sprung into action, when
Prabhakaran threatened to plunge the country back into war in
2005 and then captured the Mavil Aru reservoir, the on-going
bloodshed could have been averted. They kept on pandering to the
whims and fancies of Prabhakaran, who flouted the CFA to his
heart’s content and made a mockery of the truce.
Foreign intervention is like AIDS. It has no
cure and prevention is the best remedy. When the Portuguese
first landed here, so goes a popular story, they obtained
permission for occupying a land of the size of a cow’s hide and
then went on to cut it into strips which they joined together to
demarcate a land sufficient for a fort. The Norwegians have,
mutatis mutandis, acted in a similar manner in conflict
resolution here. Today, they cannot be got rid of as
facilitators! They stay put like the proverbial dog in the
manger!
To be wary of scheming foreigners is not to be
xenophobic. Who doesn’t fear the Greek bearing gifts? Naturally,
that kind of fear has got into the genes of a nation which has
suffered under the jackboot of colonialists for centuries.
Ms. Arbour has said the setting up of a UN human
rights monitoring mission depends on the government’s
willingness and denied the JVP’s allegation that the UN is
working towards categorising Sri Lanka as a failed state. How
can a failed UN judge its member states? It is a glorified
eunuch at the beck and call of a few powerful countries. The UN
knows what to do and how to do it but cannot do it for obvious
reasons. It has no voice of its own and only echoes that of its
masters—very effeminately.
JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe has asked Ms.
Arbour why the UN has not set up monitoring missions in Iraq and
Afghanistan. That, we reckon, was a rhetorical question to which
he didn’t expect any answer. How can Ms. Arbour answer that
question? She is a smart lady! She knows her freedom ends where
Uncle Sam’s nose begins! So, she is very cautious when she waves
her stick of human rights around. Everybody loves his/her job,
doesn’t he/she?
There is a lesson that the government should
take from the unfolding human rights drama. It, too, has lost
credibility and the world doesn’t take its claims seriously.
Before taking on Arbour or anyone else, it must put its house in
order and ensure that human rights violations don’t occur in the
areas under its control. The rights violations reported from the
Eastern Province are not all fictitious. Respectable human
rights groups like the UTHR (J) vouch for the fact that blatant
human rights violations are happening in those parts of the
country. They must be probed and the culprits brought to justice
forthwith. The Karuna Group and some rogue elements in the armed
forces stand accused of running amok. They must be reined in
immediately. Unless the civil liberties are safeguarded, it
cannot be claimed that the East has been ‘liberated’. People
don’t live by physical development alone. They need an
environment free from violence or fear to live in. The biggest
task before the government is not the development of
infrastructural facilities in the East but the creation of
conditions for democracy to be rekindled and administration
handed back to the people.
Protection of human rights is something that the
government can achieve without foreign help or leaving room for
international nosy parkers to intervene on false pretext. It has
to put its heart and soul into the task and, if needs be,
mobilise the local human rights groups sans dubious background
in the East or at least consult them and act upon their
complaints.
The government ought to prove its bona fides
as a regime that respects and protects human rights both in word
and deed. That done, it can rest assured that world opinion
won’t turn against this country.
There is no other way!