Last week, Mumbai, purportedly India’s most
cosmopolitan city, displayed xenophobic passions yet again when
a section of the local people launched sporadic attacks against
migrants from north India.
Taxi drivers and pushcart vendors from the
Hindi heartland, especially from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh (UP),
bore the brunt of the unprovoked violence.
At random, taxi drivers were pulled out from
their vehicles and thrashed by angry Marathi youths. Vegetable
and fruit pushcart vendors from outside Maharashtra had their
wares looted as they fled to avoid marauding mobs.
The ambivalent attitude of the police and most
political parties allowed the ugly situation to fester for
several days before an uneasy calm was restored in the financial
capital of the country.
The Raj Thackeray-led Maharashtra Navnirman
Sena orchestrated the replay of scary events of some four
decades ago in the modern metropolis with a population of over
12 million this time round.
It was Raj’s uncle, Bal Thackeray, who in the
late 60s first mounted an operation against non-Maharashtrians,
ostensibly in the cause of "sons of the soil". At that time, the
target was the south Indians.
Tens of thousands of south Indians, mostly
white-collar workers in government and the private sector, were
too frightened to retaliate. They lay low for weeks till the
then-state government, which was not unsympathetic to the
"jobs-for-the-local-boys" cry of the Sena, restored order.
Thackeray Senior was a newspaper cartoonist in
the 60s when he first launched the Shiv Sena (SP), that is, a
party of warriors swearing allegiance to the memory of the 17th
century Maratha king, Shivaji Maharaj, who fought against the
Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.
Though its original objective was to propagate
Marathi culture, the Sena soon acquired a political agenda when
it tapped the growing resentment against the economic alienation
of the local people. Maharashtrians felt left out in the job
market while generally better-educated south Indians monopolised
most white-collar jobs.
It was a sore point with the locals that Mumbai
(formerly Bombay) had relegated them to its fringes while the
best residential and working spaces in the metropolis were owned
by non-Maharashtrians.
Thackeray exploited the feeling of economic,
social and cultural exclusion among Marathas to grow his
fledgling outfit. However, after striking deep roots among the
Marathas, most shrewdly the Sena sought to put its anti-migrant
past behind it, seeking to widen its appeal by embracing an
aggressive pro-Hindu platform.
Its next target was the "anti-India" Muslims.
Through provocative slogans and writings in a Sena-owned
newspaper, Thackeray now spewed venom against Indian Muslims.
The militancy in Kashmir and the alleged Pakistan-inspired
anti-India terrorist attacks in other parts of the country
provided him a handle to pander to the ultra nationalist
elements among Hindus.
But the Sena acquired notoriety for its leading
role in the anti-Muslim violence in the wake of the demolition
of the Babri Masjid in December 1992.
Despite their well-documented roles in the
killings and numerous other acts of lawlessness, including arson
and vandalism, successive state governments have failed to act
against Thackeray.
The Maratha demagogue has enjoyed immunity from
legal action, making much of his threat that his arrest would
result in Mumbai being put to torch by his angry followers.
The result is neither he nor his close
lieutenants have had to pay for the flagrant breaches of the law
since the founding of the Sena back in 1966.
However, in an ironic twist in the original
script, last week’s events forced Thackeray Senior on the
defensive. The reason is simple. His estranged nephew, Raj,
formed his own rival Sena two years ago after the patriarch
anointed his own son, Uddhav, as his political successor.
Raj had believed that the mantle ought to have
come to him since he had shown more organisational and political
talent than the founder’s somewhat gawky son.
But in the end, the old man preferred his own
son, causing the nephew to float his own rival party.
Raj was banking on doing well in last year’s
Mumbai municipal corporation election, but surprisingly came a
cropper while the original Sena along with its electoral ally,
BJP, swept the polls.
With a fresh election to the Maharashtra state
legislature due next year, Raj’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS)
most unabashedly tapped the same sentiment which four decades
ago helped nurture the nascent Sena floated by his uncle into a
formidable force.
Surprisingly, the spur was the launch of a
women’s college in a backward part of Uttar Pradesh by Bollywood
superstar Amitabh Bachchan. The college, named after Aishwarya
Rai, Bachchan’s actress daughter-in-law, attracted wide
publicity, with several non-Congress leaders attending the
inaugural in the sleepy eastern UP town.
The next day, two motorcycle-borne men threw
bottles at the Mumbai bungalow of Bachchan, There were sporadic
incidents of attacks on north Indian taxi-drivers and pushcart
vendors, too.
However, the spurt of violence died down when
the original Sena showed no interest in taking up the anti-north
Indian protest.
The mother outfit had come to terms with the
presence of some 70% non-Marathas in Mumbai, given that their
hostility earlier had led to its defeat in the 2004
parliamentary election.
Of Mumbai’s 12 million population, more than
four million are north Indians while Gujaratis number nearly 2.5
million. There are about 1.5 million people from south India,
Rajasthan, Punjab, etc. Overnight any political party that
antagonises such a large number of "migrants", as Raj’s MNS
calls them, forfeits their trust, even though it may firm up its
grip on the local Marathi vote bank.
But, then, at the end of the day democracy is a
numbers game. Earning the hostility of migrants cannot but prove
counter-productive, as the original Sena had learnt to its own
cost.
Raj probably knows this too but he wants to
wean away the Marathis from his uncle’s outfit at any cost.
Hence, the orchestrated attacks on the migrants.