I am pleased that my article titled "Mahinda Rajapakse’s Anti LTTE war & the future of the Tamil people" published in the Ravaya newspaper on 17th August had attracted public attention and become a subject for open dialogue. A Tamil translation of this article appeared in the "Sudaroli" newspaper. An article written by Dr. Kumar David in response to my article appeared in "The Sunday Island" together with an English translation of my article.

Gamini Viyangoda too, had criticized some of my ideas in a column written by him. However, the present article serves as a reply to David and not to Viyangoda. Nevertheless, certain ideas expressed by Viyangoda too, have been subjected to review in this article. A debate on the major issues of the country is an essential prerequisite - a sine qua non for the nourishment of the social perception on such issues.

Gamini Viyangoda needs no special introduction to Sinhala readers. But I feel it is necessary that I make a brief introduction of Kumar David.

Kumar David is a scholar, scientist and a Marxist intellectual who belongs to the militant second generation (represented by educated people like Wickramabahu Karunaratne, Sumanasiri Liyanage and for some time by Nalin de Silva) of the Samasamaja Movement.

Despite being a scientist, Kumar David appears to argue from his heart rather than from his brain. His approach is more sentimental than logical.

I developed my thesis on a few major points. They are briefly as follows;

1) Obviously, the demand for a separate state is not a type of demand that could be won through negotiations. It is a demand that has to be realized only through war. Yet within the context of the existing world reality and the reality of geopolitics, winning a separate state by war is not a possibility.

2) The LTTE appears to seek an objective which cannot be realized either through negotiations or war. Nevertheless, the LTTE is not prepared to give up this objective. Not only have they engaged in a futile war to achieve this objective, but also had made the Tamil people directly, indirectly or informally the partners of the war.

3) Therefore this war is unavoidable so long as the LTTE domination exists. This war has not only made a destructive impact on the lives of the people of the country in general, but also to a greater degree, had affected the Tamil people in particular. Under the circumstances my argument was that it would be more favorable for the Tamil people to defeat the LTTE militarily (even if the victor would not grant anything new to the Tamil people) rather than being trapped in a protracted war, the end of which is not clear.

What do I mean when I say that the defeat of the LTTE would be to the benefit of the Tamil people?

Presently the Tamil people are forced to live under the control of a dual power. That means they are compelled to live between two diametrically opposed forces contending for governance. It is only naked power that could prevail under a war situation. The conditions under which the Tamil people are compelled to live today are more or less similar to those that the Sinhalese people had to face during the second uprising of the JVP. At that time, the Sinhalese people too were locked up in a control of a dual power. A dual control necessarily entails the operation of a naked power within it. Even if no other benefits are accrued, it would be a great victory for the Tamil people if they were to rid themselves at least of the domination of the dual control which operates with the naked power as its intrinsic adjunct.

Though they belong to two different ethnic groups, to a great extent the social background of both the LTTE and the JVP is more or less similar. While the LTTE becomes a minority group on account of its members being Tamils, politically, the JVP too, could be considered a minority group despite being a constituent of the majority Sinhalese community. Both parties had reasonable grievances which deserves attention. JVP being a party of Sinhalese youth launched an armed struggle to capture state power while the LTTE being a Tamil organization propelled an armed struggle for a separate state.

During the JVP insurrection, it won the love and the sympathy of the people who belonged to the less privileged rural social strata that it represented. They derived a certain pleasure by the atrocities perpetrated by the JVP. Just as much as the Tamil society treated the LTTE youth as their boys, the Sinhalese people of the less privileged social strata represented by the JVP, treated the JVP youth who took arms against the government as their boys.

During the JVP insurrection the security forces had to fight with the Sinhalese boys and not with the Tamil boys. The army did not manifest a milder approach when they dealt with the Sinhalese boys than they have manifested in dealing with the Tamil boys in their fight against the LTTE. During the JVP insurrection both parties resorted to a competitive killing spree and assassinated their rivals as well as those who appeared to be rivals. Disappearances and abductions went up to a record height. The number of deaths occurred during the two and a half years of the JVP insurrection was almost equal to the number of deaths that occurred during the thirty years of the LTTE war and the counter war. At that time the Sinhala South was dotted with temporary army camps set up in various places. People were compelled to live with the fear of death.

The JVP insurrection was defeated by the security forces unleashing terror that exceeded the terror unleashed by the JVP. Considering the manner in which the JVP launched their fight, the security forces did not have any other alternative except resorting to extreme terror tactics to combat the insurrection. It eventually became a competition of unleashing the maximum cruelty against each other as victory was possible only by unleashing the maximum force which exceeded the cruelty unleashed by the opposite group.

Since the JVP was defeated in that cruel struggle, the Sinhalese of the South were able to rid them of the control of the dual power which was characterized with the element of the naked power. Consequently, the freedom that they enjoyed prior to the insurrection was restored. Collective assassinations, abductions and disappearances came to a complete stop. Temporary army camps set up through out the country were removed. The Sinhalese of the South were able to breathe freely and lead a life free from the fear of death.

Freedom from the Naked Power

Once the LTTE is militarily defeated the Tamil people of the North will no doubt be able to enjoy the freedom which is very similar to the freedom that the Sinhalese of the South enjoyed after the JVP was defeated .In short, the Tamil people of the North will gain freedom to live without the fear of death. Isn’t that alone a valuable freedom that should be won at this stage, even if they do not get any other new rights?

What matters most to a human being who lives under the constant fear of death is to be free from that fear. But for Gamini Viyangoda and Dr. Kumar David, such freedom is of no use. They are of the view that the life that the Tamil people lead amidst the fear of death at the moment is better for them than making them free from it, provided the existence of the LTTE could be preserved.

It is naked power that operates in any war. It is the same naked power that the security forces and the LTTE are unleashing against each other in competitive fashion. The people surrounded by the naked power are forced to live with the constant fear of death. Bertrand Russell defined the naked power as being the loyalty enforced through the infusion of fear disregarding all traditional beliefs and social approval under a situation when two or more fanatical creeds are contending for governance and when all traditional beliefs have decayed.

When the naked power dominates, could there be any other freedom that could be placed above the freedom from the naked power?

The naked power is possible only in a war situation. With the end of the war the naked power too will come to an end. If the war could be ended through negotiations, that is the best course of action that could be adopted. And there could be nothing better than that. Yet, the LTTE is not prepared to give up their demand for a separate state and their recourse to war as a mean to realize it. Under the circumstances, if the LTTE is not defeated militarily and is allowed to continue their existence, then the Tamil people will be compelled to live amidst a protracted war, the end of which is not known. That means the Tamil people will have to live under a naked power for a long period. However, if the LTTE is defeated, the war will come to an end and the naked power too will cease to operate. Then even if the victor does not grant anything new to the people, the freedom from the threat of naked power alone will be a great achievement.

Then in the absence of an armed rival group to fight the security forces, the need does not arise for physical suppression, maintenance of high security zones and for the security forces to get involved in the management of day to day matters. Along with the cessation of war assassinations, disappearances, abductions and arrests will cease. The need for being loyal to two opposing authorities and payment of ransoms too will come to an end. People will be able to live without fear and having to wail over the deaths of their loved ones. The democratic outlets which were hitherto closed will gradually be opened. The freedom of expression will be restored. They will get an opportunity to carefully review the issues pertaining to their struggle and assess the reasons that led to the defeat of the Tamil struggle, comprehend the true rights that they should fight for and the right course of action to be adopted etc. The representatives of the Tamil people who have presently become the puppets of the LTTE will get an opportunity to serve as the true representatives of the Tamil people.

Separate state

Dr. Kumar David admits that the separate state is a dream that cannot be realized. What he does not admit is the logic that the LTTE will never relinquish this idea. He maintains that to insists that "the LTTE even if given a devolutionary moon will never give up the separatism hardens a probability in to an absolute certainty". He further states that nobody knows today "where the chips may fall tomorrow".

He does not have a clear answer to the question whether the LTTE will give up the separatism or not. He is not sure of that. That is why he says that a probability is hardened in to an absolute certainty.

When does the change that Kumar David predicts will really come? Nearly three decades have lapsed without any change. How many more decades must the country and the Tamil people wait for that change to take place? According to him the LTTE should not be defeated till that change comes. Even if the security forces are capable of defeating the LTTE, they should not defeat the LTTE. The Tamil people should live under a naked power until such time the LTTE will become a good boy.

Kumar David had shown my article to a leftist professor and quoted his comments also in his article. The professor had commented that most of my analyses are correct except for two or three errors. The professor holds the view that the LTTE genuinely agreed to a federal solution with internal self determination. Dr. Kumar David also holds that view.