The author’s duplicity of purpose in disclosing the "truth" then emanates not from the high ideals he has tried to evolve through this book, but as he discloses elsewhere in it in discussing Solheim’s statement, but because he perceives that leaving it "unchallenged will permit reminding the electorate of this sin by repeating it in future elections and push Ranil Wickremesinghe and his political party down the precipice"…..He thinks that "a govt. which had much higher aspirations should not be penalised on untruth" and this is why he considers that "these facts should be made known public." So, this is the author’s real objective in writing this chapter on the communication equipment ‘provided’ to the LTTE, the transfer of it through the good offices of the government/ Norwegian Embassy (facilitator) and SCOPP, and physically effected the day after Velupullai Prabhakaran’s birthday almost as a little delayed birthday gift, with the blessings of everyone concerned, not the least, the author Austin Fernando, though he speaks of higher ideals for writing the book elsewhere!

Reading his narration of events, one forms a number of questions in his/her mind but not surprisingly, the author himself has had an idea that such questions would arise, and himself raises those questions at the end. These can be summed up as follows:

1. The controversial role of the Norwegian Embassy in the communication equipment affair. The issue arises with Eric Solheim’s later interview with Kumar Rupasinghe where he admits that the role of the Embassy was to provide Customs Clearance and GOSL had ‘purchased’ the equipment. Solheim has not retracted this statement recorded by Rupasinghe in his book. To any one who examines the position with a fine tooth comb, it would seem that Solheimwas absolutely right despite, the Norwegian Charged’Affaires a.i. writing to the Editor of ‘Irida Divayina’ on March 8, 2006, trying to clarify the situation, i.e., three years and four months after the event. This Newspaper had commented on Solheim’s statement reproduced in Rupasinghe’s book. This clarification which took shelter behind the [Ranil Wickremesinghe] government’s statement of December 26, 2002, which showed that there was no ‘secret revelations’ to be made [by the newspaper],made the Norwegian role even more contradictory and suspicious. Credit must be given to the author for ‘exposing’ the Norwegian ambiguity and contradictions, but he does so, not as an impartial observer but an involved party to safeguard the interests of Ranil Wickremesinghe govt.

The Norwegian Embassy letter to the newspaper said that the GOSL’s statement showed that Norway played no role in ‘buying, financing, or transporting" the communication equipment; and that her role was limited to acting as consignee at the explicit request of the government. The shift from Solheim’s position is very little. That concerns the GOSL’s role in the affair.

As for who ‘purchased’ the equipment, the author clears the name of both the Norwegian govt and GOSL (quotes the Embassy letter to the Editor of ‘Irida Divayina’, the GOSL statement and the denial by S/P.M. Weerakoon,’ who was in the thick of the episode,’ as he claims. The author now goes to drop the Norwegians, obviously, [for his own defence. That is on a matter of detail about the consignee of the equipment asking how they [Norwegians] could wash their hands off when the consignee of the equipment given in the B/L was the Norwegian Embassy. He adds a proviso, obviously, to soften the shock, adding ‘unless the LTTE had procured the equipment and made the Norwegians the consignee. He also seems to make the mild charge [against] the S/PM by name when he says that he could have explained this stance (what?) rather than rejecting Solheim but the real objective of this detailed exercise is to clear the Ranil Wickremesinghe govt, and its team.

After making that little intervention on behalf of Solheim rather than on his former colleague, the S/PM, the author points out the contradiction between Solheim’s assertion of GOSL complicity and the Norwegian Embassy’s assertion of ignorance of the matter. "Who is telling the truth?" he asks –the Embassy or Solheim? The author argues that one is not, because of this contradiction!

In pursuit of the act of dropping the Norwegians further, [to clear whom is the question?] he goes to refute the statement [by whom?] that the "goods was not cleared through customs nor handed over to LTTE" on the ground that it is the "second untruth" lying in the statement [Solheims?]. (Solheim admitted clearance but the Embassy letter denied it!). Supporting the clearance of goods was also the certificate given to customs by the Embassy, and an official of the Embassy claiming immunity [over the telephone] for the goods when the S/Defence was trying to inspect them in the custom’s premises.

The author next seems to disassociate himself from the GOSL’s statement too when he points out that "the facilitator [Norway] was "approached" to resolve this issue [of exemption from duty or VAT] issues, but goes on to accept it as there was no revenue loss to GOSL if the Norwegians undertook to pay the taxes. He also argues that the LTTE had good reason to possess a radio station, however much the Opposition screamed against it – he even sees it a fundamental right! He also reminds that the LTTE had obtained a permit from the GOSL to run a radio station and it was difficult to restrain them as the law permitted them to have this facility. But he observes that the LTTE had no entitlement to exemption from payment of duty. Once this right is conceded to a terrorist group, the question whether or not, the equipment included high powered equipment not authorized for security reasons, was a matter of detail. That was the issue President Kumaratunga raised. (The author quotes her concerns). On the other hand, India too was concerned about the upgrading capability of equipment. That was expressed through the local media.