In a ‘democracy’ where politicians cross party lines has become so common that the will of the voters has ceased to matter, one more politician switching allegiances is no longer news; unless it is someone like Karu Jayasuriya.

Whereas most crossovers are nothing more than a slight shifting in a political equation in Parliament and decisions prompted by subtracting what-one-has from what-one-can-have, certain crossovers actually call for comment. Karu is not your typical political parachutist, or pole-vaulter for that matter. And so we are called upon to reflect.

I believe C. A. Chandraprema cogently argued around the time Karu left the UNP and joined the Government how important he, Karu, has been to Ranil Wickremesinghe and not the other way about. Some blamed him for not fighting the good fight to democratize the UNP. Given the patently anti-democratic structure of that party, the necessity of the leader’s active support for any reform, the present incumbent’s manifest opposition to such moves and of course his pathetic inability to lead the party to power, no one really blamed Karu when he left the UNP.

Karu’s departure as well as the loss of indefatigable defenders such as Hemakumara Nanayakkara and Rajitha Senaratne not to mention another potential favourite of the class-base that is the political bedrock of the party, Milinda Moragoda, hurt the UNP. It was, after all, a party that has lost the pulse of the people.

On the other hand Karu’s departure spawned several ‘heirs-apparent’. Their jockeying for position helped Ranil gain a lot of lost ground. For some time. Successive debacles at the polls saw the leadership crisis in the UNP re-emerge. Ranil was under fire. Again.

More seriously for the party, there was a real threat of S. B. Dissanayake taking over. The problem with SB, as far as the roots and trunk of the UNP is concerned, is that he is clearly not a member of the club. Whereas Premadasa, another non-member, he has to be suffered because the threat had to be met. SB is not Premadasa. The UNP is out of power. Something had to be done about SB. It was not that Ranil is loved more, but that SB is loved less. The solution was ‘Karu as Deputy Leader’, meaning of course that SB slides down the pecking order. And so once again we have Karu bailing out Ranil.

So, the UNP has, through Karu, sorted out or at least postponed the climaxing of its internal crisis. Has the Government lost? No it has not. Not in terms of numbers, because Karu’s exit (and that of two or three others) will be compensated for, sooner or later, by a counter exodus from the UNP. The Government, however, has lost a decent face and even though this might not matter today, it could matter tomorrow.

What’s the balance sheet for Karu, though? He held an important portfolio in the UPFA Government, but wasn’t anywhere close to the ‘leadership’ and it was apparent that he was not an heir to anything

of significance. He returns to his old job; Deputy Leader. A move up? Depends how one sees it. In the Government he was little more than a nobody, but he was still somebody in power. Back the UNP he gets to be a significant somebody but is nevertheless a nobody in power and might very well remain so, under Ranil’s leadership at least. On the other hand, Karu left after a failed attempt of party reorganization and democratization. He left because he failed, he said at the time. Has the UNP changed after he left? Is he returning to a democratically happier UNP? Navin Dissanayake’s media release on his father-in-law’s shift of loyalty is argument enough for anyone to answer ‘no’ to that question. What is the logic, then, is the logical question.

I read Karu Jayasuriya’s ‘letter of resignation’, addressed to the President, looking for an answer. In brief, he has praised the President, blown his own trumpet (not beyond reasonable limits of course) and pointed out two areas of disagreement: the economy and the 17th Amendment to the Constitution. The disagreements regarding economic policy seem to have been minor and not of the kind that warranted resignation, whatever he is saying post-resignation.

Karu has expressed deep disappointment with respect to amendments to the 17th Amendment not coming through. Such amendments, given current political realities (and this includes a manifest antipathy to change on the part of the UNP leadership as much as the President’s obvious disinterest), were from Day One more in a tray called ‘Hope’ rather than ‘Possible’.

Today it is clear that no political party, not even the JVP which actually authored the 17th Amendment, wants to correct its flaws. Politicians in general simply don’t agree to the pruning of powers because they are not interested in democracy, good governance, transparency, accountability etc., and are not exactly overflowing with that rare attribute called humility. If Karu believes that the UNP will take seriously his 17th Amendment concerns he is naïve indeed.

So is it all about selfish interests? There is a saving grace in his letter to the President. This is what he says:

"Preserving democracy for our grandchildren is our responsibility. For this, both major parties should continue to exist and the United National Party should be strengthened. I believe I should be a key contributor to this endeavour."

Finally, some logic! Time will tell whether or not Karu’s move has any impact on the UNP. Time of course may reveal Karu’s true motives. Perhaps he believes he could orchestrate a more successful attempt to oust Ranil this time around, but I would prefer to be generous. He helped Ranil in the aftermath of the 1994 debacle. He helped Ranil recovering some job-security by leaving the party two years ago. And he has, on the face of it, effectively bailed out Ranil once again, at least in the short-term. Whether he has strengthened that party is of course debatable, given that in-fighting has almost become a defining characteristic of the UNP.

And yet, I find myself being hopeful that Karu might actually make a difference to the UNP. First because he is undoubtedly the most credible nationalist in the UNP. Secondly, he is by all accounts more of an officer and a gentleman than anyone else vying for leadership posts right now. Perhaps, if he is able to sort out the crisis within the party or at least subdue it, the UNP might even become a decent opposition, which I believe is the only concrete benefit that could accrue to the nation as a whole.

Bailing out Ranil is a kunuharupa reason for crossing over. Seeking better political fortunes is acceptable, but only if one is honest about one’s aspirations. Believing that the UNP would do something about the 17th Amendment is silly, especially since Karu really can’t expect a patently anti-democratic outfit to embrace something totally antithetical to its operative logic. Seeking to strengthen democracy by strengthening the opposition is somewhat noble.

That requires reforms in the structure of the party. It does not follow that party democratization necessarily results in greater viability, but it is a start. From there to reassessment of ideological core, reformulation of policy etc., is a fair distance and a distance that the current UNP leadership has not wanted to travel or, worse, did not understand was necessary to travel. Karu tried and failed. Conditions have not changed. Will a second attempt yield a better harvest? History says, ‘unlikely’. I say, ‘doesn’t hurt to try’.