Yet another factor, and the one relevant to the present work, is the success with which the belief was ingrained that the European powers were (a) superior in every respect – material, moral, cultural - and (b) impossible to defeat. I quote from a review of mine: in 1870, in an administrative district of Bengal, twenty Europeans lived among a native population of about two and a half million. Indeed, a visitor to India wondered why the natives simply "do not cut all our heads off and say nothing more about it" (Emily Eden, ‘Up the Country’, 1866, 2nd edition, p. 116). It was essential for the continuation of imperial rule that the conquered came to believe and accept that they were inherently inferior and incapable. From the conviction that the imperial powers were undefeatable, it was but a step for some to feel it was a pleasure and a privilege to serve, and in that way, be identified with them. (As suggested two paragraphs above, the motivation leading to collaboration can be complex, including not only greed but also the mistaken and the delusional.) This last psychological reaction, both at the individual and sub-group level, has been portrayed in literary texts, analysed in academic studies and, rather than dwelling on it, I will merely draw attention to some of its manifestation in this compilation.

The British Empire meant the exploitation of natural resources (including, in various forms and capacities, human resource) and markets for finished products. Only British goods could be sold in imperial territory. Cocoa and rubber were shipped to England, and Ceylonese (the Island was then Ceylon) bought chocolates and tyres exported from England but made with Ceylonese cocoa and rubber. Yet, bizarre as it may now seem, "Empire day" was celebrated in conquered territories world-wide. The purpose of this celebration was to encourage feelings of "devotion to the British Empire and Sovereign" (p. 100). As I have written elsewhere, while it is understandable that the British national anthem should express the wish that God would save the king and enable him to long "reign o’er us", it is odd when conquered people join. That is tantamount to singing, "May he continue to be victorious over us." The celebration of the coronation of His Most Gracious Majesty George V is "the heartiest and the most enthusiastic" event ever known (p. 297). Imperialism was armed robbery - massive in scale, protracted in time - and yet the subject peoples gave, from what was left to them, lavish gifts to their "robbers" because the latter basked in power. Indeed, it was felt to be an honour if one’s gift (more precisely, "offering") was accepted – an honour, a bribe and an insurance. A list, too long to be quoted here, of presents sent to the Prince of Wales from Jaffna begins, "One snake bangle set with rubies and diamonds" (p. 243).

It is easy today to feel surprised, complacent and superior but, on closer examination, we see that, in some ways, the world changes and remains the same. The ethos of our times fits a pair of spectacles on us, lenses through which we see the world. We are unaware we are wearing glasses; that we see through them, and react accordingly. Few, very few, are able to detach themselves from their temporal, cultural, spectacles. What "Jaffna Notes" reveals is the Weltanschauung of many during imperial times. Rather than feeling distanced in history, safe and superior, this book should lead to the asking of the question: How will posterity view present beliefs and attitudes, present values and conduct? Will generations of Sri Lankans in the distant future be surprised, embarrassed and regretful (living in Germany, I am aware of this country’s sense of disbelief and shame when it looks back at past injustice and violence) or will the Island’s posterity be quietly satisfied and proud?