ANTECEDENTS. During British colonial times from about mid nineteenth century to independence in 1948, Tamils from north and east enjoyed an advantage over other communities by having a large majority of government jobs. This was partly due to more favourable educational facilities, especially in the north through missionary schools. As such the average Tamil man who came from a harsh climate and barren landscape in the north prospered in the only way he could through education and employment in public service. It was the Permanent Pensionable Public Service that was their utopia and created what was known as the Money Order economy for the north.

All this changed radically after independence with enactment of Sinhala as the one official language and soon after, introduction of Swabasha education, resulting in scrapping of English education replaced by local languages, Tamil and Sinhalese, which had a very adverse impact on youth employment prospects in both north and south. As a result the major life line of the Tamil man had been closed for ever. Tamil politicians agitated for parity of status for Tamil language which was slow in coming, but acceded in 1987 under the Indo-Lanka Accord. By then the damage had been done and the rebellion of the youth in the north had reached maturity under LTTE and Prabhakaran. The war against government in the south has continued since then with a short break from 2002.

Agitation by Tamil politicians led by Chelvanayakam for a Federal state was rejected by government in the south and implementation of Sinhala language in government was firmly entrenched from early sixties under Mrs. Bandaranaike coupled with strong discrimination against minorities in the public sector. Also, Tamils were progressively overlooked for admission to universities from early ‘70s under a policy known as Standardization. Sinhala nationalism prevailed for several decades culminating in the pogrom of 1983 against Tamil civilians in the south. The 1972 Constitution which eliminated all protection for minorities was enacted. The Vaddukoddai Resolution by TULF of 1976 further polarized both communities, when Tamil politicians resolved to fight for a separate state for the Tamils in the north and east.

All this gave fuel to an armed conflict sponsored by Prabhakaran and LTTE who became firmly entrenched in the north and east and slowly carved out a quasi state, with substantial funding by the international Tamil diaspora. They eventually eliminated all opposition by other Tamil groups and called themselves the "sole representatives of Tamil people".

What has been conveniently forgotten by the Tamil politicians, diaspora and the rebels, is that from almost the time of introduction of Sinhala language in the state sector, the Public Service became a poisoned chalice, i.e., government jobs ceased to be lucrative due to their inability to keep pace with inflation. In fact employment in Public service was a matter of great disappointment and frustration to a majority of people so employed, due to inadequacy of salaries to keep pace with growing inflation. Also, there was a privileged class being created in the south by introduction of so called International schools, with facilities for English education at a price not affordable to majority of youth. Furthermore, the agitation for recognition of Tamil language was irrelevant and unproductive, as it was not a solution for an unemployed youth population or development of the north and east.

The sequence of events since independence, Sinhala nationalism accompanied by chauvinism from about the late fifties, resulting in counter claims by Tamil politicians until the late seventies and the rise of Tamil nationalism from the early seventies resulting in an extended civil war, have all caused considerable and irreparable damage to the country, especially the people of the north and east. It has polarized the two sections of the community to a point of extreme hostility and isolated a large section of Tamils from the mainstream of life and progress in the country. The resulting mass migration of Tamils to greener pastures has fostered the continuing insurgency and civil war at a very high cost with destructive results.

The euphoria of unlimited power enjoyed by the Sinhala majority after with aspirations of poorer sections of the majority community who were independence, couple isolated from mainstream colonial society for generations, fostered onset of Sinhala nationalism, resulting in excesses in policies and actions by governments and their agents. This in turn gave rise to Tamil nationalism with devastating consequences. Tamil leaders and society were unwilling to accept their change of status after independence from an affluent and influential minority during colonial times, to one that was being marginalized by changes introduced to give greater recognition and benefits to majority Sinhalese.

What has been overlooked in this entire process is that the causes of conflict that prevailed over fifty years ago are not relevant in terms of needs and aspirations of Tamil society today. Tamil leaders also need to appreciate that a culture of confrontation and hostility generated over a long period of time against a majority community had adverse impact on their people and isolated them from the mainstream society.

The mistake made by Tamil politicians in the post independence and pre-LTTE period was to demand recognition of Tamil language on equal footing with Sinhala, which would not have been a solution for employment of Tamil youth in the long term. As evident over the last four decades, recognition of Sinhala language in administration of government departments and agencies had only marginal impact on youth unemployment, resulting in two insurgencies in the south. Also, the agitation for a Federal state was designed to transfer power from government in the south to a regional or provincial one. While there are merits in such demand it was and is not a solution for displacement of English education, fueled by nationalism in the north and south, which has been the major setback for education and employment in the post independence period.

Devolution of power is a means to an end and not an end in itself. There was a need for Constitutional reform which had not been looked at constructively by politicians in the south as well as north. What were needed were not only safeguards to protect minority rights, but also allow for greater participation of minorities in central government. The Constitutions of 1972 and 1978 did not address this need for greater inclusion of all sections of the community in government. In fact they did just the opposite and eliminated any semblance of minority rights enshrined in the Soulbury Constitution.

Rather than persuading politicians in the south for reform of central government, Tamil politicians had a single minded purpose of agitating for autonomy in the north and east based on a Federal state, which gave rise to suspicion of plans to divide the country. It was this culture of confrontation against government by Tamil politicians that has progressed into an armed conflict by the LTTE, which has devastated the country, especially people and landscape in the north and east.

TAMIL GRIEVANCES. In respect of language, education and employment, there were and are grievances among Tamils, especially the youth in the post independence period due to not only discrimination in policies but also in actions by the government, both by politicians and its agents. However, these are dwarfed by the lack of foresight and action by Tamil leaders over several decades in not addressing the genuine problems of people in the north and east for economic and social development and for reform of education, especially restoration of English education.

There is also a perception among not only the Tamil politicians, but also the community, that there is only one avenue for progress and prosperity, and that is through employment in the Public sector. We also need to look at grievances of other minorities such as Muslims, Indian Tamils, Malays, Burghers, Borahs, Parsees etc, and consider to what extent minorities have been marginalized since independence. Evidently, it is largely the Jaffna Tamil community in the north and to a lesser extent east that has claims against government on grounds of discrimination. While they are the largest minority, they are disappointed by loss of power and influence in government and employment opportunities enjoyed in colonial times.

The demand for self determination by Tamil leaders is based on the assumption that Tamils have a homeland in the north and east and can manage their affairs more effectively without interference and importantly, discrimination by central government. While there is a valid argument for doing so, and hopefully the matter can be resolved after the dust has settled after conclusion of the war against LTTE, it is also important to realize that a large section of Tamils in the north have migrated to the south, the concept of a Tamil homeland has lost some credibility. It is also unrealistic to expect sympathy for such a proposal from the south in view of polarization of society created by war and conflict. At this stage in the history of this strife torn country it is more important to unite the country under one leadership. More importantly what the people in the north and east need is emancipation from war and conflict, from hunger and poverty, and from absolute despair as in the case of thousands of refugees. Only a strong central government with cooperation from all sections of the community can achieve this. Transfer of power from centre to provinces is unlikely to address the urgent needs of people for rehabilitation, reconstruction and development, which has to be the responsibility of central government.

What is also conveniently ignored by Tamil leaders is that there has been considerable progress in business and industry in the south, resulting in a high level of industrialization through transfer of technology, formation of new industries such as in the garments sector, especially in the Western Province. It has brought the country to the threshold of NIC status. If only there is a period of unbroken peace, all such advances could be extended to the north and east, together with growth of tourism for which there is unlimited potential in the east. There are several Tamils who have set up businesses and prospered in the south for several decades.

Also, LTTE had no serious intention of negotiating with government for any kind of autonomy within a united Sri Lanka. As one Tamil nationalist and LTTE supporter quoted Mao Tse Tung, "power flows from the barrel of a gun" and any thought of a negotiated settlement was pure fantasy. Any overtures made such as the Oslo accords between Balasingham and G. L. Peiris were never seriously pursued. The limitation of this strategy, as shown in recent developments, is an all or nothing mindset, which also makes a major sacrifice on the civilian population, who have lost their lives, have their homes and lands completely devastated by war and conflict. Moreover, it has polarized the entire Sri Lankan community, where there is considerable animosity between majority Sinhalaese and Tamil sections of society.

A large section of the Tamil community both in Sri Lanka and overseas appear to be isolated from the main stream society due to the long period of war and conflict. Several generations of Tamils have grown up assuming that Sinhalese are their enemies. It has given rise to a culture of supporting a war as the only option and a people who are very reclusive and antagonistic towards the majority, without a proper understanding of the causes of such a conflict and not looking for solutions out-side an, armed struggle.

No doubt, the major mistake made by successive governments and politicians in the south was to abandon English education, which was probably the highest standard in the British Commonwealth at time of independence. It had devastating consequences for youth of the country, resulting in high unemployment and frustration due to very limited scope for employment of Sinhala and Tamil educated people. It resulted in two insurgencies in the south and the very costly war in the north and east.

The real grievances of people in the north and east have been clouded by several decades of war and conflict. The major sacrifice made by the international Tamil Diaspora was to finance an unproductive war in the north and east that has devastated the country, especially the north and east. It will be mind boggling to know the total amount of funds allocated for such an operation by the Tamil Diaspora. It will easily exceed one billion US dollars, i.e., one thousand million dollars. If only a fraction of that was allocated for development of the north and east without resorting to an armed conflict, it could have yielded unimaginable prosperity for people of that part of the country and enriched the entire country to even surpass Malaysia and Singapore as Asian economic tigers and not the destructive tigers in the battle field.

In summary, the grievances of Tamils that existed over fifty years ago, such as need for greater opportunities in public service, recognition of Tamil language and admission to universities are no longer valid. Government service is the least lucrative source of employment. There are universities in Jaffna and Batticaloa. Tamil language is not and has never been a passport to employment of youth. Incidentally, Tamil has enjoyed equal status as a national language since 1987, but not been properly implemented. So, what are we fighting for?

Yes, there has been and is discrimination by government, which has been greatly aggravated by an unproductive war and culture of confrontation, organized by Tamil politicians and LTTE for over half a century. Government and Sinhalese politicians need to be magnanimous at this time of victory over the rebels and open their hearts and doors to the poor Tamil people and give them a fair go in rebuilding their society.

Time is a great healer, and people from all sections of society need to give time for reconciliation. I propose government appoints a Truth Commission to investigate problems, atrocities committed by both sides in the conflict and consider submissions for solution to problems created by a long period of conflict. We can also consider submissions by other minorities and whether they have similar grievances.