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The two contracts (operations) of SF – I

The so-called Tamil problem in Sri Lanka is essentially a problem of the English speaking Tamils sponsored by the British and the other westerners. As we have shown on many occasions the history of the present day Tamils in Jaffna and the other parts of Sri Lanka does not go beyond 1650. The Tamils in Jaffna today are mainly descendants of those who were imported from South India (Malabar Coast) by the Dutch for their tobacco cultivation and the Sinhalas and the Malayalis who were living in the Jaffna peninsula at the tine the Dutch imported mainly the Vellalas. It should be reminded that the Dutch took some Vellalas (agricultural labourers) to Natal in South Africa as well. The Dutch and later the English (British) gave privileges to the Vellalas and were instrumental in paving the way for the Tamils to construct a false history going back to thousands of years. The British did the same in India giving the Tamils a false sense of history.

The British were interested in making the Coomaraswamy – Ponnambalam family the first family in Sri Lanka, after the Burghers, of course under their tutelage and politics of Tamil racism began when the former appointed three Europeans, one Burgher, one Tamil and one Sinhala to represent those communities in the constitutional assembly. The Sinhalas who had a population of seventy five percent or more and a history going back to more than two thousand years were made a minority of one in the constitutional assembly. From that day onwards the Tamils and others manoeuvred with the British to make the Sinhalas a minority when it came to power in politics. However, the British made a blunder, from theirs and Tamils’ and Burghers’ point of view, giving universal franchise to all the British subjects in 1931.

The franchise was not given to the Ceylonese (a stillborn concept due to the Burghers) as such but to the British subjects. This is something that the historians and sociologists have either missed or deliberatively ignored. The citizens of Ceylon had not been identified or defined at that time and the Tamil estate workers who had been brought to Sri Lanka (Ceylon) just a few decades ago were also given the franchise not because they were (or anybody else for that matter) citizens but were British subjects. When the citizenship was later defined these estate workers lost the franchise as they were not citizens of the country. It was not a case of depriving their franchise by the Sinhala Chauvinists but losing the franchise for not being citizens of the country. It was something akin to a paradigm shift as now the franchise was based on citizenship of the country but not on the concept of British subject.

In any event, the outcome of universal franchise was that the domination of the legislature by the non Sinhalas came to a halt almost overnight and the English speaking Tamils and the Burghers found it difficult to come to terms with it. The political leadership of the country in the legislature as well as in the bodies such as the National Congress changed hands from English speaking Tamils and Burghers to Sinhalas. The Senanayakes and the other Sinhala leaders became more visible in the political sphere. Gradually the privileges enjoyed by the English speaking Tamils and the Burghers slipped away and the English speaking Tamils were suspicious of any movement towards any kind of autonomy to Sri Lanka fearing that they would lose some other privileges that they enjoyed under the auspices of the British. The so called pan Sinhala board of ministers was elected ironically with the assistance of a Tamil who had been a former Professor of Mathematics as the Sinhala leaders were worried that the Tamils if made ministers would have jeopardized any movement towards even limited autonomy.

The Burghers and the English speaking Tamils reacted differently to the situation, especially after 1956 when the MEP came to power. When Sinhala was made the official language replacing English (note it was English and not Tamil that was replaced) Burghers and the English speaking Tamils reacted differently. The Burghers with their stillborn concept of a Ceylonese nation which they had tried to resurrect for sometime felt that there was nothing left for them in the country. They had lost their leadership in politics, professions and sports and there began the exodus of Burghers to the white countries, especially to Australia. A few English speaking Tamils as well as a few English speaking Sinhalas also left the country especially to the "mother country" where they were certain that English would not be replaced by any other language. However some English speaking Sinhalas decided to stay back in order to fight another day in the cultural sphere. However, for the English speaking Tamils it was not only the cultural sphere of Shakespeare and the English poets and dramatists that mattered but the change in the political leadership in the old Parliament by the sea. Most of them thought that the process could be reversed, either genuinely or due to political opportunism.

There was a man who could see that the process was irreversible and knowing that English speaking Tamils could not become leaders of the country as a whole in Colombo wanted to rule at least part of the country. He formed the Lanka Tamil State Party (Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchchi) and campaigned for a separate state in the British demarcated Northern and Eastern provinces. He also knew that the English speaking Tamils alone could not achieve what he had in mind and began to campaign not only among the non English speaking Tamils in the Northern and the Eastern provinces and in the up country but also among the Muslims under the slogan of Tamil speaking peoples. This slogan had been previously used by Ponnambalam Ramanathan in the legislative assembly to argue that he represented not only the Tamils but the Muslims as well in that legislature.

Chelvanayakam’s campaign took time to take off but in the meantime he had had a series of pacts with Bandaranaike, Dudley Senanayake and others and the ITAK continued with this practise. Chelvanayakam was not the saint that he was supposed to be but through the so called peaceful Sathyagrahas he invited the police to attack them. If he had not known that the tar brush movement would antagonise the Sinhala people then he must have been from a different galaxy altogether. All these were calculated moves and what he wanted was not peace but conflict. He with the assistance of the west formulated the concepts of injustices to the Tamils, interpreting the loss of privileges as injustices and incited the Tamil youth against the Sinhalas. In essence he made the non English speaking Tamils to take up arms, of course given by the west and India, not only against the state but against the Sinhala people as well on behalf of the English speaking Tamils. The English speaking Tamils had their feet abroad as well as here, and sponsored with the west the terrorist movement led by Prabhakaran. The so called diaspora of English speaking Tamils were the force and the LTTE were their fighting arm that took up the western arms. As long as the Muslims were contended to accept the slogan of Tamil speaking people the Muslims were tolerated, but when the Muslims wanted their identity recognized they also got the same treatment as the Sinhalas. Chelvanayakam was on the war path from the very beginning and his so called pacts were full of political slogans that could not be granted without establishing a dictatorship that would crush the Sinhala nationalists.

The so called concept of homeland or historical habitats which had no historical claim whatsoever was formulated with the assistance of the west and India, and Prabhakaran was only the political nephew of Chelvanayakam. Prabhakaran terrorised the people to achieve what Chelvanayakam had formulated and the terrorists were sponsored by the west and India. India towards the latter stages understood that all these concepts are nothing but rubbish and accepted what President Mahinda Rajapaksa had to say on these.

At Nandikadal on 18th May 2009 all these concepts of Tamil racism came to an end. It was not only the LTTE that was defeated on that day. The western forces were also defeated together with the Tamil racist concepts. However, the Godfathers of terrorism want to resurrect the concepts so that another Prabhakaran could emerge in time to come to take up the arms of the Godfathers to fight against Sinhalathva on behalf of the non national forces. Sambanthan’s so called understanding (agreement signed in front of or with the knowledge of two western ambassadors) with Sarath Fonseka amounts to resurrection of these dead concepts which have no validity in post-war situation in the jargon of the pundits.

The westerners, not only the two ambassadors involved but the others as well, want to resurrect the dead concepts to create a Prabhakaran and fight against Sinhalathva and at the same time they are attempting to crush Sinhala nationalism with the help of a dictatorship established by SF. This a novel move as with a democratic government Sinhala nationalism could not be defeated. The westerners have underestimated Sinhala nationalism again but until they realise their mistake for the umpteenth time SF has been given this contract number one to see that TNA is on war path with concepts that were defeated at Nandikadal and to establish a dictatorship to attempt to crush Sinhala nationalism. We will discuss contract number two next week.

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