From time to time one hears the call for introducing the Indian Political Model of governance. To get proportions correct and see the relevance of the Indian model to Sri Lanka, one has to look at India in the same way as one looks through an amateur telescope from the rear of the tube. The subject focused will naturally look tiny.

 India’s population and size is at least fifty times as large as Sri Lanka.

 19 states of the Indian Union out of 28 states are larger in size population wise or area wise to Sri Lanka.

 In fact, we can, at most, make comparisons on the lines of an Indian state, if we want to stretch our imagination and draw a comparison with India.

 Let us have a look at how an Indian State works. The Indian States have elected State Assemblies, which govern the State. Powers are decentralized from the State Assemblies to the Districts, the Blocks (Municipalities) and the Panchayats. The State Assembly of an Indian State in this context will be equivalent to our Parliament.

 However, the evolution of our system has been quite different and the chances of a similar structure here may be difficult to be accepted by many, especially some of the Tamil political establishment. This is so even after the defeat of the LTTE and many illusions laid to rest. The demands in the past have been for separation, merger of the Northern Province and the Eastern Province and for self determination. It will take a long time to change that mindset.

 The TNA election manifesto confirms this state of mind. A Tamil friend dismissed the TNA manifesto as a ploy solely to canvass votes. After all it was the same TNA that supported General Fonseka at the Presidential election and they knew that the General had no intention of complying with any of the conditions of the TNA manifesto. Is it then indicative of a residual strain dating back to times which the country had hoped was past history, when one asked for something much more than one imagined one could get? 

 The story of Victor and the importance of being realistic

 This reminds me of a story about a friend of mine called Victor and this story goes back many years. Victor was an exceptionally bright student and had qualified as the youngest graduate to pass out in the UK in his field. Victor had however, an intriguing mentality.

 His brother in law visited him in his home one day to find Victor had advertised a cow. Potential buyers were in and out of Victor’s cattle shed without Victor being able to close the sale. The offers were around Rs 1750. but what Victor wanted was Rs 5,000. After watching this for sometime, the brother in law asked Victor as to why he was asking for such a ridiculous price. Victor’s answer was:

 "You never know, some idiot may turn up and make that offer. I am waiting for that."

 No idiot turned up and Victor was left with the cow.

 Adjusting the sails and being realistic

 Not only the TNA but all Sri Lankans have to be rational. Here, the words of the American writer, William Arthur Ward could help to get our bearings:  "The pessimist complains about the wind; the optimist expects it to change; the realist adjusts the sails."

 Sri Lanka is, a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-lingual country and being at the cross roads of West Asia and East Asia, and its proximity to India, it has a culture of rich diversity, which if properly managed is its greatest strength.

 At a macro level, there are broad divisions vis a vis ethnicity and the religions. However, the actual diversity is even more complex. Within the ethnic groups, there are several sub-divisions. Among the Sinhala and Tamil communities caste can have a haunting presence though its importance is receding. Then there are the regional and economic differences. The urban - rural divide is still very pronounced and the colonial tradition to concentrate on the urban areas and the capital city continue. The Western Province, where Colombo is situated controls 50 per cent of the GDP of the country. This has led to tension and even today this is reflected at the elections.

The best example of our diversity is reflected in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, where for the first time, the people are able to exercise their franchise without fear, and 1814 candidates from a record number of parties are contesting for 34 seats. The Northern and Eastern Provinces are not a monolithic domain of a LTTE based entity as many were made to believe for years.

 The task ahead

 The question to be grappled with is how to work on a concept that would nurture diversity, yet administer it effectively so that the integrity of the State will not be endangered.

 We also realized that all segments of society had to be assured of Justice and Equity and through this a common destiny in the entire country would be nurtured and managed to work for the common good. In other words, a Sri Lankan identity had to come about while accepting and recognizing the diversity within the Sri Lankan nation

 Several external Constitutional experts, even those from India have been "coerced" intellectually to conclude, that all Sri Lankan problems will be solved with a political solution redressing the grievances of the Tamil community in the Northern Province and Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. The point is that there has been an awful lot of pressure to think that way for less than rational reasons. In reality, Sri Lanka needs a solution to meet the aspirations and grievances of all Sri Lankans and be acceptable to all. In fact, as a Muslim intellectual put it, the rehabilitation particularly of the mind should not be restricted to the North and the Eastern Provinces. It should be island wide. All have suffered over the past decades.

 Kick starting a change by turning to the Mahatma

Where are we to start? Like the advice that was given to Rajiv Gandhi in the context of initiating the legislation for the Panchayatiraj in India, we too should turn to Mahatma Gandhi. We need an indigenous solution. The Western models we have tried out since Independence have failed.

 We know that change is always vehemently resisted and will take time to take root. Change has to start at the village because it is the primary unit and the vast majority of the country live in villages. If the village can be made self reliant and function properly it will give the momentum to a healthy change throughout the country. This process can be initiated immediately and in tandem to the discussions on the macro issues.

 There are 14,400 villages in Sri Lanka. They are already administratively demarcated and referred to as Grama Sevaka Divisions. The population is generally less than 1500.

 The structures for the governance in villages should be on interest sectors focused on development and the decisions taken based on knowledge and not restricted to political patronage and manipulations. Is this being realistic in a society which is highly politicized? It may need structures to be put in place where the political interference can be reduced or minimized because the village has to have substantial autonomy. The interest groups will maintain a democratic balance to keep the focus on the development work of the village. Over time a new culture will emerge.

 Every village needs by statute a fixed sum from the Central Government. The suggested figure is Rs 5.000.000  for its development work. An investment of Rs 5,000,000 in a village will generate an additional Rs 10,000,000 because the businessmen and investors will then bring in that money to stimulate development.

 Role of women

 In this political construction, women will play an important role. Firstly, they will have at least a sector, which devotes its entire energy on matters connected with women. In practice, from the experiments of the Gramrajya that have been conducted, women are the most active participants in the process of rural democracy.

 What is most important with the concept of developing the Gramarajya is that it can concentrate on giving local activity and employment which will keep women with their families away from migration within the country and overseas. This will make a very substantial contribution to the mental and physical health of a nation.

 Functions assigned in the Indian example

 We can surely take a leaf from the Indian Constitution. The 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution in 1991-1992 made rural democracy mandatory, creating a three tier grass root democracy at the village, block (Municipal) and district levels in the states. 29 subjects are managed by the elected representatives of the Panchayats. They are

1. Agriculture, including agricultural extension;

2. Land   improvement, implementation of land reforms, land consolidation and soil conservation;

3. Minor irrigation, water management and watershed development;

4. Animal husbandry, dairying and poultry;

5. Fisheries;

6. Social forestry and farm forestry;

7. Minor forest produce.;

8. Small scale industries, including food processing industries;

9. Khadi, village and cottage industries;

10. Rural housing;

11. Drinking water;

12. Fuel and fodder;

13. Roads, culverts, bridges, ferries, waterways and other means of communica tion;

14. Rural electrification, including distribution of electricity;

15. Non-conventional energy sources;

16. Poverty alleviation programme;

17. Education, including primary and secondary schools;

18. Technical training and vocational education;

19. Adult and non-formal education;

20. Libraries;

21. Cultural activities;

22. Markets and fairs;

23. Health  and  sanitation,   including  hospitals,  primary 

health  centres and dispensaries;

24. Family welfare;

25. Women and child development;

26.  Social welfare, including welfare of the physically and men tally handicapped;

27. Welfare  of  the  weaker sections, and  in  particular,  of  the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes;

28. Public distribution system;

29. Maintenance of community assets.

Rural democracy

Giving rural democracy high priority and high exposure will make a big difference in the political landscape of Sri Lanka. Stable villages will result in overall stability in the country. No one will be marginalized in this construction because each village will be active with its own development.

 The Indian model of the States does not stop at the village level. It deals with the Blocks (our equivalent of the Pradeshiya Sabhas) and the Districts with strong planning and administrative structures.

 In our case the Districts could have much greater autonomous powers. This is a response to a historical imperative of the agitation and war which we have put to an end. An example for us here is the Swiss Cantonal construction. The Swiss Cantons are in fact smaller than our Districts but have substantial autonomy again because of historical reasons. This has led to stability and development within a Swiss identity. Though small they have an adequate critical mass for self reliance which our districts also have. Maybe the term District has to be changed to a term like "Territories" to make it more appealing as a Unit of decentralization and devolution in Sri Lanka.

 Constitutional concessions are most often horse traded and inspired by mere expediency. One should avoid if one can. What is needed is an actual platform for genuine development to reach the people rather than appeasing the illusions and vanity of the elites. A meaningful evolution will also take time and constitution making has to be an evolution. The conceptualists of the Indian Panchayatiraj system envisaged that it will take 25 years for the system to come to fruition. That was stated when the 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution was enacted in 1991. It is only now that the strength of the system is emerging as a success story.