Features
Legislative reforms in Ceylon under the British up-to-date
By Nihal Seneviratne
It is widely accepted by all that the early beginnings of legislative reforms in Ceylon started with the arrival of the Colebrook and Cameron Commission in 1833. The commission named after its two prominent members, Johnston Colebrook and Charles Hay Cameron, played a pivotal role in shaping the future of the island.
This commission was established by the British colonial office with the aim of comprehensively studying and reforming various aspects of Ceylon society. One of the key areas of focus for the commission was the legal system of Ceylon. The commission recommended the establishment of a unified legal system based on the English common law which became the foundation for the modern legal system in Ceylon.
It also recommended the establishment of English medium schools which laid the groundwork for the introduction of Western education. In 1835 was established the Colombo Academy which in later years turned out to be Royal College founded by the Governor Horton.
However it is important to acknowledge that the commission recommendations were not without controversy. Some argued that the reforms favoured the interests of the British colonial administration and the emerging local elite while neglecting the rights and aspirations of the major population.
While the commission’s work has been the subject of debate and critique, it serves as a reminder of the complex dynamics between colonial powers and the societies they governed. It was over a long period that the British wanted to gradually handover power to the people. They were entirely conscious of the Sinhala and Tamil elite who did much for British interests and the rulers wanted to adjust the order of things to partly meet their demands.
Thus was established our Executive and Legislative Councils – the two cornerstones along with the Governor and the Colonial Secretary. The Executive Council comprised of six plus the governor and the Legislative Council consisted of all six members of the Executive Council plus four other members (the GA of the Western Province, the Surveyor General, the Principal Collector of Customs and the Attorney General). The unofficial members comprised Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers. The European community was also represented.
Some of the Sinhalese representatives were Philip Panditaratne, J G Dias, E J Dedigama, James d’ Alwis, J P Obeysekere, William Ellawala and S W Wanninayake. The Tamil representatives were A Coomaraswamy Pulle, Simon Casie Chetty, Muttu Coomaraswamy, Ponnambalam Coomaraswamy, Ponnambalam Ramanathan, Dr W G Rockwood and A Kanagasabey. The Burgher representatives were R J Morgan, C A Lorensz, C A Ferdinando, J Vanculenberg, P D Anthonisz, A L Wendt, and J C Loos.
The functioning of these two councils were found to be ineffectual as there was a need to grant more power to the people. It was then that the Secretary of State for the Colonies appointed the Donoughmore Commission.
Dr Drummond Shields, Francis Butler and Lord Donoughmore arrived in Ceylon in 1927. They recommended universal suffrage for all men and women over 18-yers to be entitled to vote which was indeed a rare move for the countries in South East Asia. They recommended that the two Councils be replaced by a State Council. There were two State Councils elected – one from 1931 to 1936 and the other from 1936 to 1939.
The first State council was composed of 28 low country Sinhalese, 10 Kandyan Sinhalese, three Ceylon Tamils, two Indian Tamils, two Europeans and two Muslims.The second State Council comprised 31 low country Sinhalese, eight Kandyan Sinhalese, eight Ceylon Tamils, two Indian Tamils and one European.
The State Council had increased powers and could make laws on specific subjects – the State Council had a board of ministers which acted as the executive body. The board was responsible for the day-to-day administration of the country and the board had a minister for each subject and was appraised by the Governor.
The functioning of the two State Councils was found to be wavering and mediocre. So the British government appointed the Soulbury Commission to visit Ceylon and grant wider powers.
The Soulbury Commission comprised of (first Baron later Viscount Soulbury, J F Rees and S J Burrows. The British government, just after World War II was not quite ready to prepare a new constitution for Ceylon. The colonial office was not ready at all and they consulted Prime Minister D S Senanayake about drafting new legislation in Ceylon itself. The legal draftsmen at that time were two Britishers, Drayton and Nevill.
So the task of drafting a new constitution was passed on to the draftsmen, like Namasivayam Mahadeva and B P Pieris, who undertook the work. Sir Ivor Jennings was in Ceylon at the time and had prepared a draft – there was also the report of the Soulbury Commission, a whole paper embodying the demands of the UK government.
B P Pieris’ draft was finally approved by Drayton and Nevill and was submitted to D S Senanayake, the PM. It was widely believed that the Prime Minister had told B P Pieris that he would be hanged by his neck if there was any leak of the draft and moreover the CID had been put on the job to have surveillance over the drafts as it was considered a top secret.
The Soulbury Commission recommended a parliament of two houses- a House of Representatives and a Senate. The House of Representatives comprised a total of 101 MPs consisting of 95 elected members and six others nominated by the Governor General, on the advice of the PM. The Senate (ultimately abolished in 1971) was to comprise 30 members, 15 elected by the House and 15 appointed by the Governor General. The Ceylon Constitution Order-in-Council was approved by His Majesty the King and was gazetted.
The Soulbury Commission had two very important sections included in the new constitution- S 29 (2) which prevented any bill, motion or resolution being entertained in parliament which meant that no special advantage be conceded to any racial or religious group. The other section was re the appointment of a Public Service Commission. Under this no minister could appoint any public servant or transfer or take any disciplinary action against a public servant as the sole power was with the Public Service Commission.
Very sadly the PSC did not have these powers in the subsequent 1972 republican constitution. The standing orders of parliament were drafted by B P Pieris together with the help of Sir Edward Fellowes, clerk to the British House of Commons and by Ralph Deraniyagala the clerk of the House of Representatives.
The new government was established with the promulgation of the new constitution. The new Governor General Henry Monk-Mason Moore called on D S Senanayake to form a cabinet. This first cabinet of Ceylon comprised of 14 – namely J R Jayewardene, L A Rajapakse, S W R D Bandaranaike, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, George E de Silva, Sir John Kotalawela, Dudley Senanayake, R S S Gunawardene, C. Suntheralingam, T B Jayah, E A Nugawela, A Ratnayake and C Sittampalam.
The very first meeting was held on October 8, 1947. Order-in-Council to remove limitations of self-government in the Ceylon constitution was passed. The following motion was passed in Parliament:
“This House rejoices that after many years of subjugation to foreign rule the struggle of the people of Ceylon for freedom has culminated in the attainment of Independence.” The First Parliament was opened by the Duke of Gloucester.
Birth of the 1972 Constitution: Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike was appointed Prime Minister in 1972 and appointed Dr Colvin R de Silva as Minister of Constitutional Affairs. Mrs Bandaranaike moved a resolution in the House in July 1970 that all 225 Members of the House be appointed Members of the Constitutional Assembly to draft a new constitution for Sri Lanka replacing the Soulbury Constitution.
Dr Colvin R de Silva was of the opinion that the Soulbury Constitution was established by the British Government and felt that a Sri Lanka-made constitution should replace it, severing all connections with the Soulbury Commission. It was decided that that all 225 MPs be a part of the Constituent Assembly and decided that they should meet at Navarangahala at the Royal Primary School.
This Constituent Assembly sat on 49 occasions from July 19, 1970 to May 22, 1972 at the Navarangahala Hall and deliberated. Dr de Silva chose Walter Jayawardene, a Barrister from the UK and close friend of his to be Secretary to the Constituent Assembly and Mr Sam Wijesinha and myself were appointed as Asst. Secretaries.
The shift towards a republican constitution was driven by the desire to establish a more independent and sovereign nation, free from the vestiges of colonial influence. One of the key features of the republican constitution was changing the name of the country from Ceylon to the Republic of Sri Lanka and making the last serving Governor-General of Ceylon, Mr. William Gopallawa as the first (Non-executive) President of the Republic. The new constitution symbolized the growing determination for the country to assert its own identity and self governance.
The Republican Constitution emphasized the concept of sovereignty and the unity of Sri Lanka as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation. It recognized Sinhalese as the official language promoting the cultural heritage of the majority Sinhala population. However this decision also created tensions and grievances among the Tamil-speaking minority communities leading to political and social unrest in the years to come.
Furthermore the republican constitution introduced a a unicameral legislature called the National State Assembly replaced by the previous bicameral system. The Prime Minister along with the cabinet became the executive body responsible for governing the country and implementing policies.
It is important to write that the 1972 Republican Constitution was not without its controversies and errors. Many argued that it marginalized minority communities and failed to address adequately their concerns. This laid the groundwork for subsequent constitutional reforms. This republican constitution was a significant turning point in the country’s constitutional history.
In 1977 J R Jayewardene came to power with a 5/6 majority. Soon after in October 29,, 1977 the leader of the House moved that a select committee be set up to consider a revision of the constitution.
On November 3, 1977 the Speaker made the announcement that J R Jayewardene be appointed as Chairman of the select committee and that Mr R Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali, Mr Ronnie de Mel, Mr Gamini Disanayake, Mr K W Dewanayagam, Mr M H M Naina Marikkar, Mr S Thondaman, Ms Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Mr Maithripala Senanayake be its members.
The committee sat for 14 days from January to June 1978. On August 10, 1978 the new constitution was adopted in the House. For the very first time we saw the departure from the Westminster system and the introduction of presidential system. Much has been written about its pros and cons and a controversy survives to this day.
A final, personal comment. It was President J R Jayewardene’s last day in parliament (before he became executive president). In the lobby of the parliament I went up to him and said “Sir you have a log history in this House and we are all sorry to not see you here any more.”
He replied: “Nihal, I want to see parliament from a distance and make up my mind. I will be in touch with parliament”, and left for the last time.
The writer is a retired Secretary General of the Sri Lanka Parliament.
Features
T20 World Cup: Heavyweights, hopefuls and a debutant headline Group 1
AUSTRALIA
For the first time since 2017, Australia do not have global silverware to defend, with last year’s ODI World Cup semi-final exit following the relinquishing of the T20 title in 2024 after a hat-trick of trophies. They have a new captain, too, in Sophie Molineux who has taken over from the retired Alyssa Healy butAl has had a tricky start to her job due to a back injury.
Having been beaten at home by India in February, it’s a vital few weeks for the side to reaffirm their standing at the top of the tree. However, they find themselves in the group of death with one of them, India and South Africa unable to make the semi-finals.
While Healy has retired, the core of the squad remains very familiar although the call-up of left-arm quick Lucy Hamilton hints at the new generation. There is no shortage of spin options, so much so that Alana King may struggle to find a place in the XI despite recently being the Player of the Series in West Indies.
Squad: Phoebe Litchfield, Beth Mooney, Georgia Voll, Ellyse Perry, Ashleigh Gardner, Tahlia McGrath, Annabel Sutherland, Grace Harris, Nicola Carey, Sophie Molinuex (capt), Georgia Wareham, Alana King, Kim Garth, Megan Schutt, Lucy Hamilton
Player to watch
Even before Healy’s retirement, injuries had prevented her playing T20Is since the last World Cup so Georgia Voll has had a decent run to establish herself at the top of the order. She has taken it with both hands. In 12 matches Voll is averaging 39.50 with a strike-rate of 156.43 – while the sample size remains small, that’s the highest figure of anyone with at least 400 runs in T20Is.
She made her mark against New Zealand last year, then enjoyed an impressive start to 2026 with 88 against India in Canberra before a breakout century in West Indies, her batting characterised by power down the ground. It feels as though she is already at the stage where she can star in a global event.
Predicted finish: Finalists
BANGLADESH
Player to watch
Pace bowler Marufa Akter could relish the conditions in England, particularly given her ability to swing the ball at decent speeds. An on-song Marufa is a delightful sight for those who love to see the ball seam and shape towards the batters. She has taken eleven wickets in as many matches this year, while maintaining a good economy rate.
But she has little support in terms of pace from the other end. Bangladesh have left-arm seamer Fariha Islam and Ritu Moni’s slow-medium pace. As a result, Marufa has to do most of the attacking in the powerplay, and then return to bowl pinpoint yorkers and slower balls at the death.
Predicted finish: Group stage
INDIA
India enter the T20 World Cup with the tag of ODI champions. However, their form heading into this tournament has been a little iffy. In the last six months, they won at home against Sri Lanka and away against Australia but lost both the away series against South Africa (4-1) and England (2-1).
The three match series against England showed their inclination to have the returning Yastika Bhatia batting at No. 3, which meant Jemimah Rodrigues and Harmanpreet Kaur occupied Nos. 4 and 5. Bhatia was the leading run-getter in the series with 119 runs but her strike rate (126.79) was the lowest among the top-five scorers.
Injuries to Amanjot Kaur and Kashvee Gautam mean India’s combination leans towards a five-bowler strategy with Shafali Verma’s part-time offspin as the addition. India’s familiarity with English conditions – they also toured England in 2025 with wins in each of the white-ball series – means they head into the T20 World Cup with some confidence.
Squad: Harmanpreet Kaur (capt), Smriti Mandhana (vice-capt), Shafali Verma, Jemimah Rodrigues, Deepti Sharma, Richa Ghosh (wk), Arundhati Reddy, Renuka Singh, Kranti Gaud, Shree Charani, Shreyanka Patil, Bharti Fulmali, Yastika Bhatia (wk), Nandani Sharma, Radha Yadav
Player to watch
Smriti Mandhana is the lynchpin of this India team, and their fortunes will hinge on her. This is evidenced by the fact that she was India’s leading run-getter in last year’s ODI World Cup which they won. She also led Royal Challengers Bengaluru to their second WPL title earlier in the year, while topping the batting charts.
She is not just among the most experienced players in the Indian team but has the advantage of knowing conditions in the UK, thanks to her regular presence in the Kia Super League and the Hundred.
Predicted finish: Semi-finalists
NETHERLANDS

Netherlands will be at their first-ever women’s T20 World Cup (Cricinfo)
Everybody loves a newcomer, and this edition of the T20 World Cup welcomes Netherlands. They secured their spot at the qualifying tournament, where they finished in fourth place and beat the last tournament debutants, Scotland, along the way.
Though cricket is a minority sport in the country, it continues to punch above its weight and history provides plenty of reasons to regard the Dutch as plucky. In 2009, their men’s team made their first T20 World Cup appearance and beat England at Lord’s. In 2023, they were the only Associate nation to play at the men’s ODI World Cup. The women don’t have England in their group but take on heavyweights Australia, India – both for the first time – and South Africa, along with Bangladesh and Pakistan.
In personnel terms, Netherlands have four players with more than 1,000 runs in the format – Sterre Kalis, Babette de Leede, Robine Rijke and Silver Siegers – and they’re all in this squad. Iris Zwilling, their leading seamer, is two wickets away from 100. This will also be a swansong for coach Neil MacRae, who will hand over the reins to former Leicestershire, Namibia and Titans’ women’s coach Pierre de Bruyn on August 1.
Squad: Babette de Leede (capt), Caroline de Lange, Frederique Overdijk, Hannah Landheer, Heather Siegers, Iris Zwilling, Isabel van der Woning, Lara Leemhuis, Myrthe van den Raad, Phebe Molkenboer, Robine Rijke, Rosalie Lawrence (wk), Sanya Khurana, Silver Siegers, Sterre Kalis
Player to watch
Not only is Sterre Kallis their leading run-scorer in T20Is, but she has significant experience playing in England, across the domestic system and in the Hundred. Most recently, Kalis scored three fifties in the ECB Women’s One-Day Cup where she is the sixth leading run scorer.
Kalis has also played at the WBBL and will be able to provide her team-mates with inside information into a side they have never come across before. Along with Babette de Leede, who has experience playing in South Africa, Kalis will headline the batters as the Dutch look to show what they can do against some of the world’s best bowlers.
Predicted Finish One group stage upset and that’s where it will end.
PAKISTAN
As the women’s game develops at pace in many places around the world, there’s a sense Pakistan are struggling to keep up and this tournament could be a litmus test. Not only have their own board’s plans to develop a franchise T20 tournament akin to the men’s PSL stuttered then stopped entirely but, for reasons including geopolitics, their players have almost no exposure to major leagues. The consequences speak for themselves: Pakistan have won only one T20I series in the last two-and-a-half years and that was against women’s FTP newcomers Zimbabwe in May, and won one match in each of the last four editions of the T20 World Cup.
Though they are stacked with talent and have a well-resourced support staff, consistent results and major success are lacking. At an expanded tournament, their first aim will be to show they are a cut above the qualifiers and then to see if they can take some big names along the way. They’ll be hopeful of having their premier seamer, Diana Baig, for the entire tournament after she was injured during the 2024 event and will need their big hitters: Gull Feroza, Eyman Fatima and Natalia Pervaiz to come good to have a successful event.
Squad: Fatima Sana (capt), Aliya Riaz, Ayesha Zafar, Diana Baig, Eyman Fatima, Gull Feroza, Iram Javed, Muneeba Ali (wk), Nashra Sundhu, Natalia Pervaiz, Rameen Shamim, Sadia Iqbal, Saira Jabeen, Tasmia Rubab, Tuba Hassan
Key Player
Pakistan’s dynamic captain, Fatima Sana captured hearts when she had to leave the previous T20 World Cup after the sudden death of her father but then returned to lead thesa side in their final game. Though she earned much goodwill, she was unable to take Pakistan out of the group stage and was criticised for batting too low. Sana remains at No.6 but has had a remarkable 2026 so far, which has included scoring the fastest fifty in women’s T20Is, off 15 balls, and striking at over 200. Combine that with her new-ball bowling skills and the responsibility she carries as skipper, and it’s clear she is key to their chances.
Predicted Finish: Group Stage
SOUTH AFRICA
South Africa have done everything but win a World Cup recently – they have reached the last three finals across white-ball formats – so every cricketing conversation in the country is about when they will take the next step. Pressure? What pressure?
While they may face plenty of it from a home base hungry for its first senior white-ball World Cup, South Africa routinely find themselves spoken about behind the big three. That means they may feel less of the spotlight in England, where the home nation has hearts aflutter and other eyes are directed towards the big two in their group. Six-time champions Australia and current ODI World Cup title-holders India stand in South Africa’s path to the semis and the smart money could be on that pair but… South Africa beat India 4-1 in a pre-tournament series at home and knocked Australia out of the last tournament so they’ll back themselves to rise above the reputations they face.
They selected their strongest possible squad, which includes two former captains (Dane van Niekerk and Sune Luus), six seamers, five spinners, two wicketkeepers and a well-set top seven. On paper, they have all the ingredients. In practice, they need to cook.
Squad: Laura Wolvaardt (capt), Tazmin Brits, Nadine de Klerk, Annerie Dercksen, Shabnim Ismail, Sinalo Jafta (wk), Marizanne Kapp, Ayabonga Khaka, Suné Luus, Karabo Meso (wk), Nonkululeko Mlaba, Kayla Reyneke, Tumi Sekhukhune, Chloé Tryon, Dané van Niekerk
Player to watch
It’s hard to look past Laura Wolvaardt, who was the leading run-scorer at the last three ICC events, including two T20 World Cups, as being crucial to South Africa’s chances but they’ve also put their faith in reverse-retiree Shabnim Ismail. At 37, Ismail has not been an active international for over three years but is the leading seamer in league cricket and lost none of the aggression that made her so intimidating to face.
Predicted Finish: Ch… we’d never touch the money.
(Cricinfo)
Features
Constitutional inconsistencies relating to franchise
The Preamble to Sri Lanka’s Constitution states: “The PEOPLE of SRI LANKA having by their Mandate … entrusted and empowered their Representatives … to draft, adopt and operate a new Republican Constitution in order to achieve the goals of a DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC, whilst ratifying the immutable republican principles of REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRATIC”.
The intent of this exercise is to ascertain whether the practices as adopted by successive Governments to elect the People’s representatives are in keeping with the “immutable principles of Representative Democracy”.
According to Article 3 of the Constitution: “Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchisee”. Furthermore, Article 3 is an entrenched article – Article 83. According to Chapter XIV, titled “The Franchise And Elections”, Article 88 states: “Every person shall, unless disqualified….be qualified to be an elector at the election of the President and of the Members of Parliament or to vote at a Referendum”. Therefore, it is the electors in the Electoral Districts, as determined by the Delimitation Commission (DC), that elect the President and Members of Parliament.
EXISTING INCONSISTENCIIES
= The first relates to Article 96 (1). This states: “The (DC) shall divide into not less than twenty and not more than twenty-four electoral districts…”. The reason for the upper limit for Electoral Districts is perhaps because Sri Lanka was originally divided into twenty-for Administrative Districts (now 25), and 96 (3) establishes a relationship between Electoral Districts and Administrative Districts when it states: “Where a Province is divided into a number of electoral districts the Delimitation Commission shall have regard to the existing administrative districts so as to ensure as far as practicable that each electoral district shall be an administrative district or a combination of two or more administrative districts or more electoral districts together constitute an administrative district”
Despite the fact that the Constitutional direction to the DC was that the Electoral District was to “have regard to the existing Administrative District”, the number of Electoral Districts established by the DC is twenty-two (22) while the number of Administrative Districts are now twenty-five (25). Although the provision to combine Administrative Districts into one Electoral District exists, the reason for the difference is reportedly because the DC decided to factor in issues, such as land which is extraneous to franchise thus compromising the sanctity of franchise and the sovereignty of the electors. On the other hand, if the Electoral District is coterminous with the Administrative District, not only would it protect the elector’s Franchise but also enable the elected members to address the administrative interests of the electors. Would such an opportunity not give substance to the “immutable republican principle of Representative Democracy”?
= The second inconsistency relates to Article 96 (4). This states: “The electoral districts of each Province shall together be entitled to return four members, (independently of the numbers which they are entitled to return by reference to the number of electors whose names appear in the registers of electors of such electoral districts), and the Delimitation Commission shall apportion such entitlement equitably among such electoral districts”.
Consequently, the four members to be returned from each of the nine Provinces amounts to thirty-six additional members, shall be apportioned equitably by the DC among the twenty-two (22) Electoral Districts together with the one hundred and sixty members from the electoral registers, thus making a total of one hundred and ninety-six members being elected through the franchise of the electors. The balance twenty-nine through the National List nominated by Political Parties is also elected by the electors, thus making a total of two hundred and twenty-five (225) Members of Parliament elected through Electoral Districts.
The irony however, is that although Members of Parliament are elected through Electoral Districts, all Executive Powers of the Line Ministries of the Central Government are implemented by the District Secretaries in the twenty-five Administrative Districts. The present convoluted process of appointing a Parliament through Electoral Districts and administering its functions through Administrative Districts cannot be justified. What would be more meaningful is to make Administrative Districts also perform Electoral functions such as appointing the Members of Parliament.
= The third inconsistency relates to the election of Members for Provincial Councils. According to the Provincials Councils Act: “Every administrative district in a Province shall for the purposes of elections to the Provincial Council established for that province, constitute an electoral area”
This is a departure from the practice adopted to elect Members to Parliament since they are based on outcomes from twenty-two (22) Electoral Districts. Therefore, it is worth exploring why Members to Parliament and Provincial Councils cannot be elected using the existing 25 Administrative Districts.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The intention is for an arrangement where Administrative Districts are also assigned electoral functions, so that both Members to Parliament and Provincial Councils could be elected by a single unit. The advantage would be that Administrative Districts could carry out Central Government functions under a District Secretary as at present, a parallel unit within the Administrative District could be set up to implement devolved powers in each of the Administrative Districts, while retaining the existing structural arrangements of Provincial Councils. This would facilitate the coordination of devolved powers with Central Government activities, thus improving productivity of each.
CONCLUSION
The current practice is that while representative of the Government of Sri Lanka is elected by Electoral Districts as stated above, Provincial Councils in the periphery with less powers than the Government are elected by electors in Administrative Districts of each Province. If elections to Parliament and to Provincial Councils are elected by electors in each of the twenty-five Administrative Districts, perhaps one election could elect Members to both bodies.
In view of the significant cost savings involved, it is imperative that serious consideration is given to equip Administrative Districts to serve as Electoral Districts for Parliamentary Elections as well as for Provincial Council Elections, since such an arrangement would further fortify the “immutable republican principle of Representative Democracy”. Furthermore, since such an arrangement would be closer to the People, services to them would be better served.
By Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Power cuts are here! But we have a way out!
The much-dreaded power cuts are already here though not declared as such. The tragedy is that the power cuts are not due to inadequate electricity supply, but the inability of the power and energy authorities to use the abundant solar and wind power installed without any financial or economic burden on the state. They ought to admit their lack of wisdom to be mindful of the rapid changes in the sector and the need to be equipped.
Fuel Prices have been increased again up to the 2022 levels. Therefore another Electricity tariff hike is inevitable. Perhaps, the government may hold it back until September, when the next tariff revision is due. An appeal has been made to “prosumers” to switch off their solar PV system in the fear of grid stability being affected. While there is excess solar power, which they are unable to manage, even when the demand is below the installed capacity and high contribution of hydro, solar and wind. May 31 (Sunday) energy mix indicated substantial use of oil in CEB-owned power plants and those belonging to the Independent Power Producers (IPPs) . What is the rationale? One would believe that even the hydro reservoir water can be saved for use during the night, without curtailing solar and wind power. It will be said that the system is very complex and beyond the understanding of mere mortals like ordinary “prosumers”, who have added over 2300 MW to the grid, entirely at their expense and at rates well below the average cost of generation. (See Image 1)
Storage Batteries and Renewable Transition
The fact that the growing need for storage batteries to optimise the utilisation of variable renewable energy (VRE) has been felt for the last decade or more, and nothing was done about it, is never mentioned in their laments.
However, there is a glimmer of hope due to the initiatives taken by the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL). An increase in the demand due to a general GDP growth will have to be met using renewable resources. It has been clearly noted that such alternatives must be developed while curtailing the use of oil and ensuring the uninterrupted power to the consumers.
Recognising this need and the fact that fastest intervention is possible by promoting BESS (Battery Energy Storage Systems) to be added to all existing renewable energy sources, the PUCSL has initiated stakeholder consultation to determine the feed-in tariff payable for each type of BESS. A detailed methodology for determining the FIT has been circulated. The identified types of BESS discussed were as follows”
1. Power Plants
a. Mini -Hydro
b. Mini – Hydro-Local: mini hydro plants that at least use locally manufactured turbines
c. Wind
d. Wind – Local: Wind plants that at least use locally manufactured turbine blades
e. Biomass – Dendro – Biomass plants that use sustainably grown fuel wood
f. Biomass – Agricultural/Industrial Waste; Biomass fired plants use byproducts, like paddy husk, sawdust, sugar cane bagasse, etc.
g. Municipal Solid Waste
h. Waste Heat Recovery
i. Ground Mounted Solar PV
j. Floating Solar PV
2. Prosumers
a. Roof Top Solar PV
b. Rooftop Solar PV with Battery Energy Storage System (BESS)
c. Prosumers with behind the meter Battery Energy Storage System (BESS)
3. Power Plants with BESS
We mentioned in an earlier article that the PUCSL proposed a scheme whereby we can get rid of use of oil for power generation in stages, commencing with elimination of the diesel use by 2027 and all imported oils by 2030.
Stakeholder Meeting & Feed In Tariff( FIT)
The PUCSL has been empowered by the new Electricity Act No 36 (as amended), which came into full force on 09 March, 2026, with responsibility for calculating and announcing all FIT schemes, both for purchase and sale of electricity to consumers.
A well-represented stakeholder meeting was held recently, when the proposed methodology for determining the FIT of each type of BESS was given to them to provide further specific inputs. It is, therefore, realistic to expect such a FIT to be declared by the end of June, 2026.
While this is a welcome and progressive step unlike the ad hoc process adopted hitherto. But the fact remains that the responsibility for the effective use of FIT to attract investors to add the BESS at different scales, lies with the one or more of the newly appointed companies to take over the functions of the former Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).
Government Recognition of Fossil Fuel Risks
The current government has reportedly recognised the danger of overdependence on imported fossil fuels, which we have absolutely no control over. This is something we have been stressing for a long time. However, better late than never. As a matter of interest, we show the degree of fossil fuel dependence and its adverse impact on the economy. (See Graph 1)
It is to be noted that earnings from our traditional exports of tea, rubber and coconuts fail to meet the ever-increasing cost of importing fossil fuels. Time was when earnings from these exports barely helped meet the cost of import of fuels which was back in 2010. The rupee cost of imports is shown in Billions to keep the data columns within the bounds of the chart. This is the factor which affects you and me directly.
However, we earnestly urge the government to direct the electricity companies to take immediate action to prepare the grid which costs only a fraction of the values predicted by the CEB to institute their schemes which are not in line with the ground reality to accept the BESS system once the FIT is announced. Reasonable BESS and FIT will help attract investors with the assurance of short-term and long-term improvement, at no cost to the state.
Solar PV & BESS Proposal
We proposed some time back of the opportunity for those “prosumers” using 300 units per month, for installing solar PV with adequately sized batteries, which is more economical than drawing power from the grid, and to gain the happy situation, to be insulated from the danger of power cuts and further increases in consumer tariff.
The PUCSL intervention to declare a BESS tariff will add a great impetus to those who are willing to adopt the above proposal. They will be encouraged to increase the capacity of their installations as well as the battery capacity so that the excess can be exported to the grid during peak hours, when firm economic power is most needed. Such additional features would enhance their financial returns and would enable rapid elimination of the use of diesel during peak hours. In recent months with the depreciation of the rupee, coupled with the increase of costs of solar panels, inverters and batteries, our original analysis of financial viability of this interevention was facing some uncertainties. As such, we welcome this move by the PUCSL, whereby the consumers would have a steady revenue in addition to the savings on their monthly electricity bills. It is likely that the level of FIT and the permitted number of exports will be adequate to work with the increased costs, as shown. (See Table 1)
It must be noted that the cost values are highly volatile ,and some variations are to be expected. FIT for export on energy is stated as 60% of the current peak time energy charge of Rs 106/kWh.
This revolution is well within the means of the over 200,000 potential “Prosumers” who consume over 250 units per month. While they would fulfil their own goal of being immune to any power cuts as well as being insulated from future tariff increases, they would be serving the country by progressively eliminating the need for any fossil fuels for power generation. For example, if 50,000 of them add 10 kWh of battery capacity, the peak power demand can be reduced by 500 MW, thereby obviating the need for using the most expensive diesel during the peak period. Very special advantages can be derived by those also purchasing EVs instead of petrol and diesel vehicles. It will be possible to save on LPG, which costs Rs 4,700.00 per cylinder at present. Thus, the excuse for demanding ever increasing consumer tariff in the future will not be available. As such this move would help all consumers down to the lowest level of consumers.
It is hoped that the energy authorities recognise this reality and support the PUCSL proposals by approving the BESS FIT system and directing all Utility companies to adopt the same and urgently initiate action to install the simple infrastructure additions to accept the BESS energy, as proposed. If they care to review this proposal having discarded biases and any other agendas, they, too, will benefit.
Conclusion
The inescapable conclusion one can derive from the above is that the solution to the crisis is available from the consumers themselves in a manner that is attractive and profitabe to them. It would also be of major assistance for the Utility to manage the sector effectively and efficiently. In addition, all consumers will benefit by gradually weaning themselves away from the grid an use of oil for power generation. This would obviate any more demands for consumer tariff increases by the National System Operator. The PUCSL has taken an essential first step with its intention to declare a BESS FIT. It is up to the government to ensure that the Ministry and the Utility companies adopt the correct stance and make a commitment to ensure the success of this scheme as soon as possible.
by Eng Parakrama Jayasinghe
Past President and Council Member
Bio Energy Association of Sri Lanka
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